From South Africa with Hope

Thank God there is Africa. We the people of this beautiful planet should be glad we are so located. The world sees our continent as the virgin land, which indeed it is and our friends across the globe have concurred that we shall be greater. I was recently in South Africa, the Africa’s most ‘complex country’ and the world’s ‘rainbow nation’. My one month in South Africa (SA) was for research but I got more than research from the love and care, the ready hands of all people I met, white, black, coloured and Asians. Even from my conversation with tourists I saw a fundamental hope for Africa and Africans. Our continent might have been brutalised in the past but we cannot afford to continue to agonise about the past. We must appreciate our past while forging ahead with what lies ahead in the future, in the present. And South Africans are showing the way: reconciliation is on-going and development wheel is moving fast, while contradictions in governance and service delivery remain as in any part of the world, developed, semi-developed or developing.

My recent one month in South Africa was not my first time there. I was there first in 2009, for a Democracy and Diversity Institute Programme of the Transregional Centre for Democratic Studies of The New School for Social Research, New York, which took place at the postgraduate school of the University of Cape Town. The city of Cape Town is a seductive city. You don’t ever want to leave there. There are people, from across the world, and there are buildings that would make you think you are still somewhere in Europe. Faces of different people as well as the splendid tourist taste make Cape Town tick.  Everywhere you turn, there is an interesting thing going on. People like to dance and eat, they like to hug and gist, and if you are there all alone, like I was, you would want to wish you had come with your partner. But I missed nothing. My friends and associates made the whole period memorable enough.

I am further increased in knowledge of South Africa and Africa. I also discovered once again that a number of African countries have a lot to learn from South Africa. One, you cannot develop if you cannot boast of 24/7 electricity.  I understand there could be occasional power outage in certain parts, but through the one month, split and spent between three cities of Nelspruit, Johannesburg and Cape Town, electricity did not winkle, not even for a second. Nigeria in particular needs to set up a panel to go to SA and ask for advice on how it is done there. It is abysmally unbearable for Nigeria, with all its resources, not to boast of 24/7 power supply in the twenty-first century. Two, you cannot develop without social security for the poor and the unemployed. The government of South Africa has built millions of houses for the less privileged and raised the hope previously disadvantaged groups. Education fees, where not free, are subsidised. What is Nigeria waiting for? We need a Youth Development Fund Board, which will give loans to indigent students and young entrepreneurs so as to educate, engage and empower them. Three, you cannot develop without good roads, modern rail system and good airports. All major roads on which I travelled in South Africa were as good as those in the UK. Nigerian governments need to do something urgent about the state of our roads. Four, you cannot develop if there is no security. South African Police are well equipped, and their efforts are complemented by City and Community Policing. Nigeria, with 150 million people and 36 states must professionalise its Police and consider a regulated community policing system. The truth is, there is a big correlation between security of lives and property and development.

All said and done, I see hope. I see hope that Africa will rise above the poverty of its majority and that our people will use what is most valuable in our cultural values and ethics to power the Africa of our dream. Africans alone cannot do it. We will need the collaboration of folks across the world, but the effort would have to be home grown. If South Africa can give a positive sign of a stable political economy and continues to march on, despite occasional skirmishes here and there, I see hope.

I see hope that Africa will be greater.

Tunde Oseni is a Doctoral candidate at the University of Exeter, UK.
Share

THE DEATH-TRAP CALLED PEHN-PEHN

The two-wheeler motor commonly called ‘Okada’ in Ghana, Benin and some parts of Nigeria, Pehn-pehn in Liberia, has become a veritable means of transportation in major cities of most West African countries. Its presence in the roads of these nations’ cities has been more of a problem than a solution to the ailing transportation problems.

Many have argued that Okada or Pehn-pehn business has provide jobs in large measure to most of the teeming once jobless youths, it has make ease the accessibility of some of the areas that have bad roads as the deplorable state of roads is a recurrent feature of these countries; it has aid fast and quick movement during chaotic traffic situation, it creates good access to health-care and market where cars are in short supply and majority could not afford the cost of renting a car for such emergency etc. These are some of the reasons, major portion of the population in these countries strongly believe that the two-wheeler taxi is unavoidable and must remain in our cities to ease the excruciating pain people go through for hours waiting for taxi and buses that are few.

Contrastingly, the two-wheeler taxi irrespective of the above plausible reasons why we need it on our roads, it has become ready-made two-wheeler coffin that convey people to their early grave almost every second in these cities. No day passes by that this mode of transportation does not send someone to the orthopedic ward of a hospital. For instance, in Igbobi hospital in Lagos, Nigeria, accident cases involving motor-bike are too overwhelming. The case is not different in John F. Kennedy memorial hospital in Monrovia Liberia, the case is not opposite for major hospitals in Togo,Cameroun,Benin  among others. Meanwhile, the presence of motor-bike has cascaded the spate of crime in all of these cities. Bike riders have constituted  themselves into hoodlums who terrorize their innocent victims as they snatch hand-bags, that contained valuable items, jerk cell phones while they speed past their unsuspecting victims; they are well-known for stealing car battery/sound-system. They are also notorious for car-jacking and many more deadly criminal activities. Yet, governments in these countries have allowed the dangerous trade to flourish.

In Ghana for instance, the heat has been on that motor-bike cannot ply the country’s major cities partly because the National Road Safety Commission act do not make provision for the commercialization of motor-bike. Besides, in Abuja Nigeria, since 2007, the commercial use of ‘Okada’ has been prohibited. Other states in this category are Port-Harcourt, Owerri and recently Maiduguri (due to the activities of the Islamic sect insurgent group ‘Boko Haram’). The reason is not only to reduce crime and accident, but also for free flow of traffic. Most of these riders do not obey traffic signs and rules; they meander and wander at neck-breaking speed, from the right side of the road to the wrong without recourse to other roads users. They are known for over-taking from the driver’s blind-spot thus causing avoiding collision. They hit their fellow riders and cars from all sides, they smack your break-light and they will beg and say ‘sorry’. More dangerously, they relish in drinking local gin than eating food before they enter road to pick passengers.

Studies have shown repeatedly that motor-bike passengers are 36 times more likely to get involved in an accident and die or injured than those in a car. This is because nothing protects them and their passengers while they ride in deadly speed. Moreover, they are always in a hurry to God knows destination. In the mind of bike-riders, the passengers’ seat on the bike would have been fitted for five or six passengers instead of one, as they overload the bike from the tank up to the iron-tail-guard. Sometimes, some people crammed the whole family members- mother, father, and their children in on motor-bike.  Sordid enough, bike men often time ignore safety measures such as the wearing of crash-helmet to protect their head and that of the passengers. Even at the peak of rainy season in West African region, very few of them go about their business with rain-coats for themselves and their passengers- there is health hazard someone may say! Further, research conducted by the International Journal of Impotence Research, has also demonstrated that vibrations from motor-bike engine have damaging effect on the nerves of the penis. Do they have enough education on this in order to take precaution?

Mean time, we may find it difficult to do without motor-bikes in our roads in major cities, but does it worth the prize our people pay daily with their lives, or say, some become physically challenged over-night from motor-bike crashes? The proliferation of motor-bikes in these countries clearly showcases random government failure to address transportation problems facing them, as well as the chronic unemployment imbroglio. Weak transport infrastructure in the guise of inefficient management that characterized the public sphere is what gives teeth to these bike riders. May be is because they have formed a formidable mass, as they are used by political leaders for election to augment votes or use them to stall elections or hijack ballot boxes. The examples of France, US and the UK, have shown that restricting motor-bike to private use or courier services and investing heavily in the transport sector would provide more employment opportunities than risking people’s lives. Will it be bad if governments in these countries   put money into a body that would buy taxis and give them out to these same bike riders, give them proper orientation in recognized driving schools and they pay back on installment basis and remove these death-traps from our major roads?

Share

Africa and the Culture Question

As progress act, Africans are questioning their culture in terms of their advancement. The strategic issue of culture in Africa’s progress is gaining momentum. In Ghana, the culture-progress debate has given birth to an enlightenment movement.

The Ghanaian mass media aside, the prestigious Ghana Academy of Arts and Science has joined the enlightenment movement and has organized training sessions for journalists to deal with cultural inhibitions that stifle progress. By this action, the Academy is playing its role as the intellectual conscience of society and is supposed to project high rationality and credibility. In this sense, Ghanaians looked up to the Academy to illuminate the darkness that emanates from within their culture that has been entangling their progress.

Holistically, at issue aren’t only tackling the cultural inhibitions but also appropriating the enabling aspects of the Ghanaian culture for policy-making and progress. The Academy is yet to openly pressure Ghanaian bureaucrats and policy-makers to appropriate Ghanaians’ culture for policy development. This should be a deliberate and organized effort. The Academy is also thinking of floating a Science Reporting Award for journalists in order to whip up their enthusiasm to tackle the acute relationship between science, culture and advancement as part of the enlightenment movement.

In this sense, as Kingwa Kamencu, president of the Oxford University Africa Society, said, borrowing from the late Burkina Faso Head of State, Thomas Sankara, the Ghana enlightenment movement is daring to invent the African future for a new generation of Africans.

By their activities, the Ghana enlightenment movement has brought out how cultural inhibitions generate powerlessness and deprivation and the movement is attempting to empower and free Ghanaians to overcome their widespread cultural irrationalities. The trick is using the enlightenment campaigns to empower Ghanaians by minimising inhibitions within their culture that have been blocking their greater progress. That the cultural inhibitions have made Ghanaians/Africans powerless and unfree is unassailable.

These positive attempts will make Ghanaians “active citizens” freed from the clutches of certain cultural inhibitions. In the foreword to From Poverty to Power: How Active Citizens And Effective States Can Change the World (2008) by Duncan Green, the famous Indian economist Amartya Sen argues that this state of active citizenry “can be a very effective way of seeking and securing solutions to these pervasive problems of powerlessness and unfreedom.”

As the Ghana Enlightenment spreads Africa-wide, the Nigerian Dare Akinyemi ponders the culture question in relation to Nigerians’/Africans’ progress. Dare Akinyemi asked in a short philosophical piece at the Nigerian owned US-based africanoutlookonline.com, “How come Africans/Nigerians have not been able to use their cultures to elevate Africa/Nigeria to the global economic stage? Could it be that their cultures have no relevance to economic development or this is an area that has not been explored and need to be explored?”

Africans’ culture has huge significance in their advancement! And the exploration has began in Ghana, where the enlightenment movement is playing with the culture as progress act. If Dare Akinyemi takes time to reflect on his Nigerian/African culture and its impact on progress, he will come to the agonizing conclusion that it is characterized by a disintegration of thought processes by African elites and leaders who are yet to have thorough grasp of their culture as directors of progress.

The elites know more about foreign development paradigms than their own African ones. The result is palpable confusion in the development game.

This makes the issue of Africa’s culture in relation to its progress, at best, an intellectual schizophrenia. African policy-makers and leaders, over 50 years after colonial rule, have not embraced their culture as strategic policy-making ingredient. So whether in law, society, ethnic cohesions, management, justice, structure, design, or meaning, the African culture, as the foundational psychological thrust of Africans, isn’t projected enthusiastically as a positive development mechanism.

The South Africans will readily tell their fellow Africans that their traditional value of ubuntu, “I am because we are,” which is also found in the over 2000 African ethnic groups, can easily be appropriated as management material, just as the Japanese have been able to develop management systems called Kaizen from within their cultural values that have been part of their remarkable successes.

As Ghana’s Y.K. Amoako, the former UN Economic Commission for Africa chair indicates, Africa is the only region in the world where foreign development paradigms dominate its development process to the detriment of its rich cultural norms. This makes the African confused, demeaned and at the mercy of foreign development values. More than ever as the Southeast Asians such as the Chinese and Indians enter Africa for raw materials, Africans can borrow from their culture-progress thinkers and tap into how they were able to mix their culture with that of the Western world for their respective prosperity.

Yes, culture as an economic development issue is still complicated, largely unexplored area. Gregory Clark, economic historian at the University of California, Davis, and author of A Farewell to Alms: A Brief Economic History of the World, argues that “… attempts to introduce culture into economic discussions so far have been generally either ad hoc, vacuous, blatantly false, or void of testability.”

Gregory Clark has a point to some extent, especially so the complications of the issue of culture in progress. The human progress has been how to undo complications such as culture along the path to progress. In Africa, part of the complications is that most development models are created to fit Western cultural context and not the African cultural context, as Emily Chamlee-Wright, an economist at Beloit College, Wisconsin, argues in a paper entitled Indigenous African Institutions and Economic Development (The Cato Journal, 1993).

The outcome is majority of Africans cut off from the formal development sector such as the banking and other financial institutions. Imagine the implications for authentic progress. The solution, as George Ayittey, of Africa in Chaos (1998) fame, will say, is “African solutions to African problems.” At the heart of George Ayittey’s thinking is “Africa is poor because she is not free.” Part of the unfreedoms emanate from African cultural norms such as the Big Man syndrome (the oppressive African autocrats).

However, at issue here aren’t only using the African culture to thrust economic development but the overall development of Africa in which Africans are freed from certain cultural entanglements that have been stifling their progress. For, the connection between culture and progress can take many formats, as the Ghana Enlightenment movement reveals. Virtually all kinds of Ghanaians from various stations-in-life are discussing the culture-progress issues from their respective experiences, disciplines, and ethnic origins.

But just like the European Enlightenment project, at issue in Africa is culture as an Enlightenment and development fertilizer and, as Ghanaians are doing, how an African Enlightenment project could be used to beam light into Africa’s general development struggles. The attempts aren’t only to unravel the complications of using the African culture to drive progress but how also an African Enlightenment movement could be used to refine the toxics within the African culture that have been inhibiting progress.

In the real Africa, you don’t have to be a qualitative sociologist or anthropologist to know that certain cultural behaviour inhibit progress. Across Africa different ethnic groups exhibit different degree of progress because of certain distinct cultural influences. Amartya Sen, the 1998 Nobel Prize winner for Economics, in a presentation at the World Bank in July, 2001, borrowing from the German sociologist Max Weber’s ideas of the Protestant Ethic in the successful development of the capitalist industrial economy, asked thoughtfully, “Are there significant influences of cultural traditions and behavioural norms on economic success and achievements?”

Yes. In Ghana, the Asante ethnic group have been compared to the Ewe ethnic group in their respective successes. The Asante are far, far larger in size than the Ewes. Size doesn’t matter here. At issue are traditional values that influence progress. The Asantes is the most prosperous group but the Ewes have relatively high education index and are equally hard working. But while the Asante’s prosperity is as a result of their self-development, the Ewe is the opposite. In fact, Ewe traditional rulers, of recent times, have been demanding that Accra develop Eweland, which is one of the poorest areas in Ghana.

Why? How come the Ewes’ high education index and hard working couldn’t translate into high development indicators in Eweland?  It is certain aspects of their culture behaviour. Investment expects and objective Ewes plausibly argue that the high incidence of the deadly fearsome juju occult is largely responsible for most successful Ewes and other non-Ewe Ghanaians not investing in Eweland. There is fear, mistrust and disloyalty.

Most successful Ewes, afraid of juju, do not go back to develop their homeland but stay put either in Accra or Kumasi. Ewe children born in these cities and other Ghanaian towns exhibit the same mind-set. The columnist Justice Sarpong, of the ghanaweb.com, has intimated that “There are more Ewes living in other regions in Ghana than Ewes living in the Volta region,” their homeland.

In Sierra Leone, where I worked as a young reporter and teacher, I can now reflect, as a mature man, on the Weberian analysis of the role of cultural behaviour on progress among the Fula community. The Fula are traditionally nomadic and pastorialist but over the years have transformed themselves as skilled business people.  The Fula settled in the western area of Sierra Leone over 300 years ago from the Futa Djalon region of Guinea. The Fula’s traces of Weberian Protestant ethic (actually they are non-Protestant and non-Christian community. Most Fula are Muslim), driven more by trust, Islamic practices, patience and loyalty within their community, have seen them over the years owning many of the large shopping centres and businesses in Freetown’s downtown business centre of Kissy Road and Siaka Stevens Street that were traditionally Lebanese businesses enclave.

The Fula are only 5 per cent of the Sierra Leone population but somehow control the commanding heights of the Sierra Leone economy, having gradually edge out the Lebanese who once controlled the Sierra Leone economy.

Still, part of the Fula’s remarkable successes are that there are extremely less witchcraft, demons or evil spirits believes and influences on their behaviour and struggles to progress compare to, say, the Fanti ethnic group of Ghana, whose believe in these irrational forces are very high and have entangled their progress despite having high education index and hard working. Among the Fula, the African development diseases of Pull Him/Her Down and the Big Man syndromes are less compared to other African ethnic groups. The Fanti has one of the highest incidences of the destructive Pull Him/Her Down and the Big Man syndromes in Ghana, as the late Vice Chancellor of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Prof. Kwesi Andam, himself Fanti, once remarked.

If in 2011 an African university graduate (some with chains of university degrees) still believes that witchcraft is responsible for vehicular accidents or diseases are caused by evil spirits or a “magic ring” can surely make a politician win elections or demons are responsible for people committing crimes (all these backward cultural believes impinge on progress), then the need for questioning certain aspects of the African culture are unassailable truths.

As with Weber’s European Protestant ethic, the Asante and Fula, among other African groups, show nobody progresses with high incidence of deeply negative entangling superstitious believes that undermine the good traits of one’s traditional values.

For broader understanding of cultural behaviour on progress lets look at the Southeast Asians, whom a lot of Africans gleefully admire for their enviable progress. Reflecting on culture and success at his World Bank presentation in 2001 aptly entitled Culture And Development, Amartya Sen argued that, “Infact, in sharp contrast with Max Weber’s analysis of Protestant ethics, many writers in present-day Asia emphasize the role of Confucian ethics in the success of industrial and economic progress in east Asia. Indeed, there have been several different theories seeking explanation of the high performance of east Asian economies in terms of values that are traditional in that region.

“It is interesting to ask whether values really do play such important roles, and if so, how. Are we, for example, seeing in Asia today the consequences of a value system that has some real advantages over traditional Western morals? Have the ancient teachings of Confucius paved the way for great entrepreneurial success in modern times?”

Amartya Sen demonstrates beyond all reasonable doubt how the Japanese have been able to blend their traditional behaviour norms (Confucianism) and businesses. The result is their astonishing economic successes which have transformed their “backward economy into one of the most prosperous nations in the world in less than a century.”

Either in economic backwardness or refining the irrationalities within a culture, in Lawrence Harrison’s intriguing Central Liberal Truth: How Politics Can Change a Culture and Save It from Itself (2006), he quoted the American democrat Daniel Patrick Moynihan as saying, “The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society … The central liberal truth is that politics can change a culture and save it from itself.”

Of concern here are cultural values, beliefs, and attitudes that best promote democracy, social justice, and prosperity. The challenge is how to use the forces that shape cultural change – religion/spirituality, socialization of children, education, and political leadership – to promote democratic tenets for prosperity.

We see this in Ghana through its emerging democracy and healthy press freedoms, where there are attempts to use democratic politics to change the irrationalities emanating from within the Ghanaian culture that have been asphyxiating higher progress. There are attempts too to appropriate the enabling aspects of the culture for policy development. The Ghanaian enlightenment movement is rapidly growing because of the country’s vibrant democracy and mass media that have engendered freedoms, good governance, social justice, equity, human rights and the rule of law.

From Amartya Sen views and other African ethnic groups’ cultural influence on their successes, the Nigerian Dare Akinyemi culture question still haunts Africans as they struggle for authentic development that should flow from within their culture: “How come Africans/Nigerians have not been able to use their cultures to elevate Africa/Nigeria to the global economic stage? Could it be that their cultures have no relevance to economic development or this is an area that has not been explored and need to be explored?”

Share

Famine In Africa: Bono, Anderson Cooper, K’naan Call For Famine Solution (VIDEO)

CNN’s Anderson Cooper engaged Bono and Somali singer K’naan in a forthright and passionate conversation this past week about the need for aid in Somalia.

Bono, whose foundation ONE tackles health and agriculture issues, says the world needs to find long-term famine solutions. In his conversation with CNN, he said it’s time to take a cue from past famines in Africa and develop advanced agriculture programs with better seeds and fertilizers.

“As to the long-term stuff, we know exactly what to do with droughts,” Bono said. “You can blame droughts on God, but famines are man-made. We know exactly what to do, and this shouldn’t be happening.”

Bono also called on the Security Council to help ease access, including providing more troops to allow safer passage of food and supplies.

K’naan told CNN that the world needs to drop its negative stereotype of Somalia, born out of reports of piracy and past famines.

“People have created a psychological fence around their hearts when Somalia is concerned,” K’naan said. “We have to find a way to get past that.”

Cooper described his time at area hospitals, having spent time with a family who had lost their third child. He lamented that the hospitals lack enough medicine and basic supplies and said the gravity of the famine doesn’t seem to have hit people.

“You hear 600,000 children are at risk of starvation,” Cooper said. “And those numbers — they’re so big they almost don’t seem real. And we start to think this is just a normal thing. But I feel like this should be a headline on every paper on every newscast every day while this is going on. 600,000 at risk of starvation — on the brink of starvation — is a catastrophe.”

If you like this article, I’d recommend my book “If I Was Famous, I’d Have a Lot to Say”

[youtube]-i9tL8Q1Fxo[/youtube]

Share

Old Leadership, New Leadership

Leadership has become a buzz word for practitioners, bureaucrats and theorists of African development. The term variously means a process of getting work done through people. Leadership may not be science but it is committed responsibility. Africans in civil service, in business schools, in NGOs, in the mass media, in think tanks, in academia, in State Houses, in opposition political parties use leadership as a sort of reality refiner – a way of contrasting past and present, an implement for cataloging out history at a moment of African changes, the flowering of The African Century.
African leadership, being heavily over burdened and scatterbrained, is part of the Old Leadership. For the past 50 years, Africa has been sorting itself up into categories of Old Leadership and New Leadership. We see this in one of Africa’s foremost leaders, Kwame Nkrumah. Prof. A.K.P. Kludze, former Justice of Ghana’s Supreme Court, observes that although President Kwame Nkrumah was a freedom fighter and committed Pan-Africanist, he later succumbed to the Big Man syndrome, turned Ghana into a one-party state and became the life chairman of his ruling Conventions People’s Party and general secretary of the party’s Central Committee. It was considered treason to challenge him. Nobody could stand as a candidate unless his candidature was approved by the General Secretary of the party (read-himself).

The 1960s to the 1990s have become a transforming boundary between one age and another, between a format of things that has crumbled and another that is taking shape. A millennium has come, a celestial divide. Kwame Nkrumah’s era of autocracy of the 20th century is dead; the 21st is a kernel, revealed in continental giant Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan. New Leadership-Old Leadership makes a match of lists: what’s in, what’s out in the African experiences. More imperative, it is a way of considering what works (New Leadership) and what doesn’t work anymore (Old Leadership).

The horrible Central African Republic’s Jean-Bedel Bokassa was the Old Leadership. The New Leadership is what we are seeking for – Liberia’s Ellen Sirleaf-Johnson. One-party system and military juntas are Old Leadership. African communism as seen in Ethiopia’s Menghistu Haile Mariam is Old Leadership. Big one-party systems, military juntas and Jerry Rawlings’ emotionally charged aggressiveness style are dead. Democracy brewed from within African experiences is becoming more and more alive as a development fertilizer. Botswana is one example; Mauritius is another.

With over 45 years in Ghana’s and Africa’s turbulent politics, ex-president John Kofi Kufour is more than qualified to examine Africa’s leadership from very close range. His analysis: “Leadership is key to unravelling the problems of Africa. With the right leadership, good policies would be enacted that will create the right condition for economic growth, respect of the rule of law and the conducive atmosphere for business to thrive,” observed Kufour. Kufour said this in South Africa during the launch of “Why Africa is Poor and What Africans can do about it,” written by Greg Mills, Executive Director of the Brenthurst Foundation of the Oppenheimer and Son Group.

Kufour diagnosed the awful Old Leadership this way: “Africa’s problem was that people assumed leadership positions without being adequately prepared for it and they lacked the vision and drive to pursue policies to the benefit of their people … Studies of individual historic leaders exemplified in the likes of Biblical Moses, among others, would show conclusively that each one of them had come through relevant experiences to be imbued with epochal visions of great and abiding development of their nations … The time when people just jumped into leadership positions should be by-gone. Budding leaders must bide their time and go through the apprenticeship exposures and institutions to better prepare them to assume the rightful role expected of them.”

Old Leaderships: Mobutu Sese Seku, military juntas, one-party and communist systems, Sekou Toure, Mamadou Tandja, the Big Man syndrome, tough talk, imperially threatening attitude (Yaya Jemmeh), arrogance (Idi Amin), centralized bureaucracy and Big government, the leader as a massive juju-marabou dabbler (Samuel Doe), the leader mired in extreme superstitious believes (Marcias Francoise Nguema), the leader under the control of warped spiritualists (Sani Abacha and Bokassa), refurbished ancient paternalism (Siaka Stevens), dictatorship, “God has destined me to be leader” (Jerry Rawlings), heavy cultural inhibitions (all Africa), charisma, tribalistic blood-feud payback, primordial corporate loyalties, Guinea Bissau, and Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (the military politician as the face of the unrepentant African traditional autocracy).

New African Leadership: Humility. God fearing. Deep decentralization so much so that decision-making is pushed down as much as possible to the people affected. Truthfulness. High sense of African history and traditions. Traditional consensus building mixed with modern leadership practices. John Kufour. Evans Atta Mills, Nana Akufo Addo, Ian Khama. Balances. Democratic tenets, human rights, freedoms, social justice, the rule of law. Goodluck Jonathan, Ernest Koroma, Jakaya Kikwete. The African Union, the Economic Community of West African States. Television news network, participatory communication, information, facebook, fax machines, tweeter, myspace and other new media. David Mark (the Nigerian soldier greatly democratized). The new Liberia. Pluralism. The new Sierra Leone. Kwasi Pratt Jr. Botswana.

In the African context, Old Leadership is a mixed bag. New Leadership isn’t necessarily the best. There are sham democracies and leaderships – The Gambia and Yaya Jammeh. The New Leadership is an on-going project that needs a lot of socio-political engineering constructed from within Africa’s traditional values, but better than Old Leadership. New Leadership is about output instead of input. The assessment of the New Leadership is what works. It Africanizes Botswana’s leadership skills, the capability to mix the traditional with the modern so as to refine any inhibitions within the traditional.

Old Leadership and New Leadership are often intermingled. Jerry Rawlings and Jacob Zuma as awkward, stalled in stupidity, complete dumbness, are Old Leadership. Foolhardiness is New Leadership, as seen in Central African Republic’s Francois Bozize and the entire leadership of Guinea Bissau, can be different style – small-minded, dishonorable, blank, and uninformed of Africa’s painful past of agony and sadness. New media, the medium of the New Leadership, has an overwhelming addiction to the mediocre that it constantly wrestles with. The New Leadership is a distraction that sometimes reveals simple-mindedness.

In Emilio Mwai Kibaki’s mind, Old Leadership and New Leadership circle each other suspiciously, as Kenya struggles for better leadership and governance. Kibaki is often New Leadership in regional issues but Old Leadership in domestic affairs. Under his watch, Kenya’s 2008 general elections descended into fatal violence and saw over 1,300 people killed and over 300,000 homeless. The International Criminal Court coming into Kenya and planning to put six top Kenyans on trial saw Kibaki dashing back toward patriarchal conclusions.

Rawlings and Atta Mills? Object lessons on how Old Leadership and New Leadership clash with each other. Dictatorial Rawlings wants members of the opposition National Patriotic Party arbitrarily arrested for suspicion of being corrupt. With enormous pressure from Rawlings, Mills reveals how fragile the New Leadership could be, how it could be menaced by Old Leadership. Rawlings sticking to Old Leadership despite the fact that its time is gone has become a dilemma for Mills. The trouble is there is no New Leadership for Rawlings to migrate to. Maybe never.

Either in the analysis of Kufour’s African leadership impasse or Botswana’s and Mauritius’s ability to mix modern leadership practices with their traditional ones that has paid off remarkably, the Ghanaian Joseph William Addai argues in Reforming Leadership in Africa that transformations in African leadership, as a way of improving the quality of governance, should start from African traditional values and then mixed with global governance practices. This means African leaders should have a high sense of African traditional leadership values in relation to global governance ideals.

In this sense, Africa’s leadership struggles are rationalized from within Africa’s soul. It is a new intellectual construct to make things work. A way of thinking about change. For long, Africans have taken their leadership for granted seeing the likes of Bokassa, Doe, and Amin mount power and destroy their countries. The New Leadership is above all struggling toward a working model for the progress mechanisms of The African Century.

Short of this, there will be huge imbalances in the quality of leadership and governance, and this will impact negatively on Africa’s progress. Kenya’s and Nigeria’s struggles for better governance practices, as progress act, seen in their attempts to reform their constitutions, illustrates Africa’s tussles to grapple with its leadership challenges.

Fifty years after freedom from colonial rule, Africa is largely still Old Leadership. But as the flowering of The African Century reveals, Africa’s brilliance would be how it renew itself, how it improvise itself, technically how it quickly grow New Leadership as a replacer of Old Leadership, as part of its transformative endowment. This means New Leadership should be the overarching idea, the signature of The African Century.

Share

‘Renewed Energy for Women’s Empowerment’

In South Africa and Mozambique, women have reached the benchmark of 30 per cent women’s representation in parliament. What’s the picture across Southern Africa?

As a sub-region we certainly have a long way to go. A few countries have been doing well, but there are others that have regressed. In terms of women in political leadership positions, the average is only 18 per cent. It is way below the 30 per cent we have been calling for, and far below the 50 per cent that the heads of state and government agreed to in signing the Gender and Development Protocol [of the Southern African Development Community, SADC]. We are seeing a lot of change at the local level. Most countries seem to be doing much better in terms of representation in local governments. This might be because women work in the community and are better known at that level.

Women’s political representation is absolutely important because participation is a basic human right. Women bring their experiences, knowledge and capacities, which are different from those that men bring.

Beyond getting into office, how can women better engage with broader governance issues, including political conflicts?

One of the things that UN Women is doing is building capacities for women to participate in leadership, but transformative leadership, so that they can engage from a perspective of basic human rights and understand broader governance issues and democracy in general. Some countries are in deep conflict. Our position is to support women to participate in negotiations, in mediation, but also in prevention. In Comoros, for instance, we are working within the context of the UN country team on a peacebuilding project. Our contribution is to build the skills of women to understand the issues of gender relations in peace, in peacebuilding, even in conflicts and how conflicts happen. Even if they understand that, they need to build allies within the traditional leaderships, amongst men, with their partners, etc. We try to engage a more holistic approach to dealing with such issues.

UN Women coordinates the Africa Unite campaign, which targets violence against women and girls. What is the main challenge?

The problem is the resources. We are not getting enough funds from national budgets or from the donor community. African heads of state launched the campaign in Africa in January 2010. We are now doing advocacy with the different heads of state to ensure that their ministries of planning and finance allocate funds for implementing the national action plans.

We have safer cities programmes that we will be rolling out in several countries, working with UNICEF. Research shows that rape of young girls is normally of school children in the early morning when they are going to school, and in the evening when they are going back home, often through thick bushes and other unsafe pathways. But when we talk to governments about this, they hardly have the resources to provide sanitation and water to communities. They don’t see it as a priority.

Students at the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: In many countries, there is now gender parity in the primary schools, but economic and social constraints hinder more girls from moving up to secondary and tertiary education. Photograph: Panos / Mikkel Ostergaard

And the judicial and security systems?

We work with the police, military and other entities in the security sector to make sure they understand the gender dimensions of policing and security, also gender-based violence. We had a conference two weeks ago to talk about how we can support the SADC gender unit to mainstream gender in the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security. We talked about ensuring that the officers who go on peacekeeping missions have some gender training.

We look also at the informal justice sector. In Southern Africa research clearly shows that when women experience abuse or violence in the home they are not going to the police as a first port of call. They go either to their families or to traditional leadership.

There has been real progress in narrowing the gap between boys and girls entering primary school. But do the girls stay in school?

That is a fundamental point. Looking at many countries, we find that there is parity in terms of entry. In some countries girls are even surpassing boys in entering basic education. But as you move further into the school years and you get into grade seven and eight there are fewer girls continuing in school. Parents are more likely to withdraw the girls from school if they are cash-strapped — or the girls are going to get married. The other problem is that pregnancy in schools is very high and girls will drop to have the babies. Girls also tend to have more work to do in the home, so they have less time to study and therefore tend to have a lower passing rate than the boys.

Southern Africa has the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. How are women affected?

So much money has come through for programmes against HIV and AIDS. But the work has not taken into account the clear connection between gender inequality and the spread of HIV/AIDS. In some Southern African countries there are 5 per cent of men with HIV, but you find 20 to 22 per cent of young women of the same age group with HIV.

When you do the research, it is very much: “I didn’t want to sleep with him, but he forced me.” And then there is the whole issue of “survival sex” in Southern Africa, where young girls will sleep with older men so that they are able to go to school.

And women are also more likely than men to be in poverty…

It seems as though even our governments have now acknowledged that development is not going to happen without the full involvement and participation of women in the economy. But they have not just all of a sudden become benevolent. It is because of the advocacy that has been coming from the women’s movements and from the ministries responsible for women and gender.

At UN Women we are working with five governments in the sub-region in a pilot programme to see exactly what women are doing to get out of poverty. Most of these women are in what is called the informal sector, and their work is not recognized. The women who kept the Zimbabwe economy going at the lowest point in its history are not recognized even today. Yet they ensured the survival of their families and the economy.

It is absolutely fundamental to deal with the economic empowerment of women, because we know that when women have that economic independence they are more likely to be able to make decisions about their dignity, their security and their welfare.

Does UN Women work with rural women?

We have a $33 million project that we are currently fund-raising for as UN Women to do exactly that, to work with rural women, particularly rural women farmers. It is a major challenge. At least 70 per cent of the labour in agriculture is women. When we seek $33 million, that’s a drop in the ocean really, it’s nothing in terms of the need. And what happens when the $33 million is finished? We need to be able to define programmes that governments include in their own national development plans. And governments must be able to desist from corruption. It is not that the national resources are not there, but they are misused.

UN Women has just been created, merging four different UN entities that dealt with women. For women here in Southern Africa, what difference can UN Women make?

What I see already is just an amazing amount of renewed energy for women’s empowerment in the various areas of work, since the creation of UN Women. Renewed hope indeed that UN Women will do things better and faster in promoting women’s rights globally. It is a very tough call for us in UN Women to deliver on that.

I was privileged to be part of the first strategic meeting for UN Women in January this year, when all the different entities came together. You could feel it in the room, the energy. Madam [Michelle] Bachelet is using her diplomatic skills to bring us together. We have been holding consultations with different partners, including the donor community, governments and civil society organizations, to define what should be in our strategic plan. So we continue to be hopeful, and  totally energized.

From Africa Renewal, August 2011

If you like this article, I’d recommend my book “If I Was Famous, I’d Have a Lot to Say”

Share

Teenage pregnancy is ‘contagious’

A new research by a team from the UK and Norway has established that teenage pregnancy is “contagious” between sisters.

A study of more than 42,000 Norwegian teenage girls suggested they were more likely to become pregnant if their older sister had a baby as a teenager.

The effect was greatest when the sisters were of a similar age or from a poorer background.

‘Sister effect’

The researchers said the probability of the younger sister having a teenage pregnancy went from 20% to 40% if the elder sister had a baby as a teenager.

Share

Rapist Women Gang Terrorizing Men in Zimbabwe

Kitsepile Nyathi, allafrica

Cases of men who have been sexually abused by women are common in the country and hardly a week passes without such a report being made in the media.

The motives of these women are not known, but there is speculation that they may be doing this for ritual purposes.

Indecently assaulting

“We appeal to members of the public to pass any information to the police regarding three women who have gone on a spree of kidnapping and indecently assaulting young men around town,” Harare police boss Angeline Guvamombe said in a statement.

“The women drive in posh cars and offer their unsuspecting victims lifts before spraying some liquid substance on their faces.

“Once the victim is drowsy, he is taken to a secluded place or house where he is forced to have sex,” said Ms Guvamombe. “I want to warn these criminals that their days are numbered,” she added.

On Monday, the Herald reported that two men were kidnapped last week and forced to have sex with women at gunpoint.

In one of the incidents, a 30-year-old man was kidnapped by three women and forced to have sex with them for five days.

In some cases, the women use protection and collect the men’s sperm, leading to speculation that they were in the activity for ritual purposes.

At times, the women are helped by armed men.

Since the strange rape cases began sometime last year, no one has been arrested.

Police have said the women cannot be charged with rape because Zimbabwean law does not recognise that women can rape men.

But they will be charged with indecent assault, which carries a lesser sentenc

Share