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The Future of Africa, Kofi Annan

I am delighted to be here today and for this chance to meet and speak to students, staff and friends of Exeter College. Let me begin by thanking Andrew Hamilton, the Vice-Chancellor of the University, and, Frances Cairncross, Rector of Exeter College, for the warm welcome I have received. It is, of course, a pleasure to be back at Oxford – a university which has produced such important scholarship on the United Nations and on Africa.

I also want to say how honoured I am to have been asked to launch the 700th anniversary celebrations of Exeter College. I notice that this anniversary does not officially take place until 2014, so you have obviously decided to start early! And rightly so. Such a long and distinguished history deserves a long celebration.

Exeter is not just one of the oldest colleges in the university but has a unique spirit, and a proud, outward-looking tradition. You attract the brightest and the best to teach and study, which is why I look forward to the question and answer session with both excitement and trepidation.

Among your alumni is, my fellow countryman John Kufuor who, I am delighted to say, is here today. I know the pride that he takes in having studied at Exeter College. The college will take equal pride in his achievements as President of Ghana, for embedding democracy and advancing economic and social development.

John began his studies here in 1961. Not long before, I had begun my own studies at university in America. What I remember most of that era was that African hopes for self-determination were brimming over. It was a time of great expectations and excitement for young people like ourselves. There was a widespread belief that freedom from our colonial rulers would bring progress and prosperity.

We expected the new African nations would forge their future together. That we would control our natural resources and join the community of nations as equal partners. Sadly, as history has documented, many of our hopes were soon dashed. Newly independent African states struggled to contain the impact of arbitrary borders that split ethnic groups and communities, and fuelled tensions. In many countries, the unifying force of independence movements gave way to one-party states as African governments sought to centralize political and economic power.

The continent became a land of “big men” and the battle-ground for proxy wars of the Cold War. Development stagnated, deadly conflicts raged, the rule of law and human rights were neglected. Half a century ago, Africa stood at a cross-roads. For many reasons, some which have their roots in Africa, others outside, Africa took the wrong path. But today, a new wave of optimism has taken hold.

Africa is once again being seen as a continent of opportunity – the last emerging investment frontier. We see this optimism in the number and diversity of businesses and countries flocking to invest in the continent. It is an optimism based on strong economic growth which even the global financial crisis was only able to reverse briefly. And increasingly, this growth is being used to diversify economies and invest in the bedrock of successful societies – in education, in health and vital infrastructure.

This is not the picture of Africa that is normally painted in the global media. Too often we hear the stereotype of a broken continent, stricken by disease, war and poverty. A stereotype, too, in which problems in one country infect opinions of the continent as a whole. Curiously, the reverse is rarely true.

Very few people could name the country with the world’s most sustained and strongest economic growth over the last four decades. The answer is Botswana, a stable and successful democracy ever since independence in 1964. It underlines why we have to remember that Africa consists of 53 diverse nations – soon to be 54 with the result of the referendum in South Sudan. But even taking into account that countries are progressing at different speeds, Africa’s fortunes have been turning around in the last decade.

Real GDP grew by nearly 5% annually between 2000 and 2008 – twice the level of the previous two decades. According to the African Development Bank, 6 African countries are forecast to enjoy growth this year above seven per cent; 15 countries above five per cent; and 27 countries above three per cent. Direct foreign investment has soared from $9 billion in 2000 to $52 billion in 2011.

This momentum is expected to continue and can be accelerated if we tackle remaining barriers to progress by investing in energy and infrastructure, and strengthening regional integration. Improved regional integration is essential to increase trade within Africa, which stands at just 10% of total trade compared to 67% within the EU.

But even so, the IMF already believes the continent will have as many as seven of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world over the next decade. Even higher growth rates are necessary to lift millions out of poverty and hunger and position Africa as an essential part of the global economic system. Africa’s improved economic performance and prospects have, of course, become the subject of a growing amount of analysis by banks, policy makers and international organizations.

There is debate about the role and impact of painful macroeconomic reforms which were encouraged and, in some cases, forced on African countries by the Bretton Woods institutions. It is now widely acknowledged that these structural adjustment programmes had terrible consequences socially and institutionally.

But the fiscal discipline they put in place helped to cushion African economies against external shocks, encouraged the growth of reserves and well-regulated banking sectors. It is clear, too, that another major reason for increased investment and growth has been Africa’s natural resources and its attractiveness to emerging economies, particularly China.

With at least 10% of the world’s oil and gas reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% of its chromium and platinum, Africa is well placed to continue to benefit from the wealth beneath its surface and the boom in commodity prices.

China’s burgeoning interest in Africa has also had other spillover effects. Asian demand for African commodities improves the terms on which the continent trades. This, in turn, encourages investors from elsewhere to look at Africa with different eyes.

But important as China’s influence has been, recent research has shown that Africa’s economic success is not simply tied to its natural resources, or to one country. Profitable economic partnerships are also being developed with Brazil, Turkey, India, Malaysia, and countries in the Middle East. World class African companies are also making inroads in these markets.

These South-South relationships are providing important opportunities for peer learning on appropriate development strategies to eradicate poverty and address inequality. Last year’s report by McKinsey, aptly named “Lions on the Move”, found that just a third of Africa’s growth up to 2008 was due to its natural resources.

Other sectors such as telecoms, financial services, agribusiness, construction and infrastructure are also thriving, creating both income and jobs. The report found that Africa’s strong growth owes as much, if not more, to increased stability including the end of conflicts; growing investment in human and physical infrastructure; progress in achieving the Millennium Development Goals and reducing the risks and costs of doing business.

Even more encouraging are changes in Africa’s demographics which can help to harness Africa’s potential over the coming decades, if sustained by good public policies. These include a fast growing and young labour force, rapid urbanization and a burgeoning middle-class of consumers.

The diaspora is also playing a positive role, by transferring skills, bringing much needed innovation and entrepreneurship to the continent, and increasing financial flows from remittances. Africa is also benefiting from the spread of mobile phones and ICT. It is helping countries to “leapfrog” over unsustainable forms of production and consumption; and delivering social services in health, education, and weather information.

And perhaps most importantly, the continent has benefited from a new generation of African policy-makers who are managing economies better, paying attention to social development, and building the institutional capacities needed to increase regional trade and economic cooperation. All these are positive factors for the future.

Even one of Africa’s biggest challenges – how to feed its citizens and tackle widespread hunger – can be seen to offer hope if the right policies and investments are put in place. Currently, Africa is the only continent which does not grow enough food to feed its own people. Its farmers have been locked out of the scientific and technological advances which have transformed crop yields across the world.

The result is that hundreds of millions of people go hungry every day. And it is a scandal which climate change is already making more severe. But Africa also contains 60% of the world’s uncultivated arable land. If we can promote a uniquely African green revolution – drawing on the experiences of Asia and Latin America – not only can we meet food shortages within the continent, but provide exports to improve food security across the world.

Ladies and gentlemen, you would be forgiven for thinking that I have become hopelessly optimistic since leaving the United Nations. After all, we have seen false dawns in Africa before. And I would not, in any way, wish to under-estimate the enormous challenges the continent still faces. We have recently seen a reminder of the stubborn political obstacles that can get in the way of progress in the crisis in Cote d’Ivoire. The refusal of incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo to concede defeat in an election that was independently monitored and certified to be fair, risks embroiling the country in a new civil war. Africa – and indeed the world – cannot afford such a development.

Indeed, if there is one area, which above all, will determine the direction of Africa’s future, it is the quality of its governance and leadership. Leadership not just within individual countries in Africa, but regionally, across the continent as a whole. In contrast, lack of good governance and poor leadership is the single biggest obstacle to development. It promotes corruption and increases the likelihood of inequality, instability and conflict.

I believe that Africa’s economic growth could double and make a profound impact on poverty eradication if it can get its politics right: if we can see best practice from within the continent spread across all of it. Ladies and gentlemen, a continent at peace with itself requires more than the absence of war. It requires that we embrace respect for human rights and the rule of law, and transparent, effective and accountable governance.

Important steps towards a more democratic and rules-based political culture have been made since the 1990’s. We have seen more multi-party elections in Africa, greater adherence to democratic principles, and the growth of civil society. And the AU’s Charter on Democracy and Africa Peer Review Mechanism – even though works in progress – are landmark instruments of good governance currently absent from many other developing regions in the world.

However, in many African countries, there remains a profound mismatch between the aspirations
of its people and the caliber and integrity of those leading them. Let me briefly mention two areas where I believe political leadership and good governance will be decisive factors in charting Africa’s future:

First, protecting the integrity of elections, and second, addressing the root causes of conflict through institutional reform. As you may know, no less than 17 African countries are holding elections this year.

Each one has the potential to exacerbate existing tensions within society, or of entrenching more democratic institutions and improved governance in these countries. I have already mentioned the troubled election in Cote d’Ivoire.  If Gbagbo is allowed to prevail, elections as instruments of peaceful change in Africa will suffer a serious setback.

Leaders must understand that they enter elections to win or to lose – that peaceful transition of power is the cornerstone of sustainable democracy and durable peace. The African Union and the international community must do more to protect the integrity of the electoral process. Otherwise election-related violence and conflict will erode much of the progress we have seen on the continent.

Elections must be backed by institutions and laws that uphold the rights of all citizens and create a pluralist society rather than defend ethnicity or special interests. But let me deal with the claim, made by some commentators recently, that it is the power-sharing agreement in Kenya which I helped broker, which has given encouragement to those defeated in elections to cling onto power.

Unlike elections in Cote d’Ivoire and Zimbabwe, there was no clear winner in the 2007 elections in Kenya. The scale of violence that ensued in Kenya was catastrophic. Hundreds were killed, injured and raped; thousands fled their homes and the country was burning. The political settlement ended the terrible violence which flared up as a result of the disputed election itself.

The resulting national accord not only led to the first coalition government in Africa, but it also committed Kenyans and their leaders to undertake a profound agenda of institutional reform, to tackle impunity, and promote national reconciliation and cohesion.

One of the tangible results has been a new Constitution and a Bill of Rights which should be a source of pride for all Kenyans, and inspire forward-looking constitutional development across the region. We now need to see real courage and commitment to ensure that the rest of the reform agenda is implemented. It has not been an easy journey. But I hope, as most Kenyans do, that full implementation of the new Constitution will help to tackle the root causes of conflict and prevent such a crisis from erupting again.

It will also demonstrate that concerted action to address national identity and citizenship issues, to reform land tenure, to bring government closer to the people through devolution, and making sure that women have a strong voice in their societies, are key to building strong and cohesive societies.

Ladies and gentlemen, what Africa needs to do now is to keep building on the progress that has been achieved so far. This requires a comprehensive strategy for the future – one that gives equal weight and attention to security, development, rule of law and human rights. They cannot be separated. They all reinforce each other and they all depend on each other.

The international community must support African efforts to reform and provide the resources to help build government capacity and capability. But good governance in Africa must be complemented by fair rules and good governance at the global level.  Africa can no longer be a by-stander as decisions are made about its future, whether it’s to do with the global trade regime, regulating international finance or tackling climate change.
And African countries should have fair representation on the decision-making bodies of inter-governmental organizations, such as the Security Council and the G20.

Finally, let me say a few words about the events in North Africa which I believe have broader lessons for authoritarian regimes everywhere. These popular uprisings show that the democratic aspirations of people cannot be contained and that human rights are not a luxury, let alone a plot from outside. Wherever people live, they want their voice to be heard, their rights respected, and to have a say in how they are governed. They yearn for decent jobs, opportunity and a secure future for their children. They believe that the rule of law must apply to everyone, no matter how powerful.

The demand for more inclusive, more accountable and more responsive Governments is, I believe, unstoppable. It’s a voice coming from right across the population but most strongly from the younger generation. It is this generation – their dynamism, their determination and ambitions – which is, I believe, the major reason for confidence in Africa. It is also the generation which is all around us today.

It may be, of course, that the issues I raised today can seem a long way from your lives here in Oxford. But remember that you are the first generation who can call yourselves citizens of the world. Wherever you come from, whatever you are studying, you have to think beyond your borders. It is how you respond to the inter-linked challenges in front of us that will decide the future direction of your world. It is your world now.  It is a big responsibility. You must have the courage to change it for the better.

I, for one, have confidence that you are up to the task. Thank you

Excerpts of a Lecture delivered by former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan at the Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford, for Exeter College on February 13, 2011 Courtesy: Kofi Annan Foundation Published at TalkAfrique.com on 22.02.2011. Courtesy Tunde Oseni, Exeter University, United Kingdom

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What a Constrast: Women in Mauritania Taking Dangerous Products to Help Them Gain Weight

Women Mauritania aer taking substances to help gain weight

 Nouakchott (Mauritania) – While force-feeding of young girls is waning in Mauritania, particularly in urban areas, many girls and women are voluntarily using high-tech and dangerous methods aimed at achieving the corpulent form long a status symbol in the country.

“Force-feeding by way of physical abuse is practically a thing of the past; it is generally limited to remote rural areas,” said Zeinabou Mint Taleb Moussa, head of the NGO Mauritanian Association for Mothers’ and Children’s Health (AMSME). “But young women wanting to gain weight and [resorting to extreme measures to do so] is indeed a reality.”

Mauritanians told IRIN of recent cases in which young women died from taking drugs – including products formulated for livestock – to gain weight.

While aesthetic standards are slowly shifting and some women refuse the destructive practice of forcing weight gain, traditionally in Mauritania a plump figure on a woman signifies wealth and well-being. For generations families force-fed their daughters litres of cow’s or camel’s milk daily in part to improve their marriage prospects.

A proverb of Mauritania’s Moor ethnic group says: “The woman occupies in her man’s heart the space she occupies in his bed.”

But in recent years, despite health warnings, some girls and women are voluntarily turning to other methods, like taking cortisone products – including one designed to make cattle gain weight; appetite-inducing syrups; and psychotropic medicines.

“Some months ago, my cousin went to the village to prepare for marriage,” said an AMSME member who requested anonymity. “This preparation includes fattening up, and she died from an overdose of drugs designed to make one gain weight.”

In another case, a young girl in a slum in the capital Nouakchott recently died after taking drugs designed for cattle, said Souleimane Cherif, president of the Mauritania pharmacists’ association.

Social researcher Mohameden Ould Ekahe said one of the animal drugs women take “to self-fatten” is locally known as ‘dregdreg’ – a Hassaniyya word meaning a shaking of the heart, for one of the health hazards it can pose. “They want to meet the standard of a society in love with fat women,” he said.

The products are easy to obtain and that is part of the problem, pharmacist Cherif told IRIN.

“Regulations are not strictly applied mostly because of the profits for some in the medical sector,” he said. “Furthermore the state’s resources are relatively limited. Still the authorities have made efforts in the past three years, including removing certain products from the markets.”

Despite these efforts and a 2010 law stipulating harsher penalties for irregular drug sales, anyone can buy the products in markets and pharmacies. It is difficult to say how much money is spent on such products for these purposes, as much of the trade is on the black market.

Many women also request birth control pills just for the potential weight-gain, and appetite-inducing syrups, said Anna Fall, a midwife at a health centre in a lower-class neighbourhood of Nouakchott.

The push to pack on extra weight carries the threat of cardiovascular disease, kidney failure, diabetes and high blood pressure, said Mohammed Lemine Ould Cheikh, the health centre’s head doctor. “Most women don’t know that these medicines are dangerous; otherwise they wouldn’t take them. It’s a question of literacy.”

Taleb Moussa said it is not all down to ignorance; some girls trying to put on weight dismiss the dangers of misusing drugs. “I was in a pharmacy one day and I saw some girls buying these products. I told them it’s dangerous; they laughed and went about their business.”

Indeed, social pressure and long-held standards persist.

Marième Diallo, 53, was force-fed as an adolescent. Her two daughters, 14 and 19, are slim and refuse to gain weight; Diallo said she will not force them, and for that she is derided by friends. “Recently my neighbour came round, telling me it’s not normal, it’s dishonourable for my family that my daughters are thin. She wanted to take them to the village to make them gain weight.”

Many men still see size as a measure of beauty. “For some men it is still humiliating to have a skinny wife,” AMSME coordinator Khadija Sakho told IRIN. “They are ashamed to have their friends come round.”

(Source: UN Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN)
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Lessons From Tunisia, Egypt and Sudan

By Dr Said Adejumobi,  Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

‘What we want are bread, freedom and dignity’ – Egyptian demonstrator!

AS the ‘bigwigs’ of the PDP (Nigeria’s all conquering political party) gathered in Abuja in the second week of January 2011 (precisely Thursday, Jan. 13, 2011) to pick a presidential candidate for the party, two other important events were taking place simultaneously elsewhere on the continent.  In Tunisia, the ‘people’s power’ was at play in which what seemed to have been a minor incident triggered the pent-up anger of the people leading to the ousting of a 23-year political dictatorship of president Ben Ali. At the same time, in Sudan, a referendum was going on for the secession or otherwise, of the South of the country. As we now know, the results of both events in Sudan and Tunisia proved positive – the peoples’ power held sway. South Sudan has overwhelmingly voted for independence, which would kick off in July.

Barely did the torch of freedom light up in Tunis, the domino effect was felt in Cairo. Cairo’s popular Tahrir Square became the counterpoint of peaceful political resistance against a 30-year dictatorship of Hosni Mubarak, boosted by the West and sustained by an edifice of political repression. Eighteen days into the resistance – exactly on Friday, February 11, 2011, Hosni Mubarak made a shameful exit from power, ending the prospects of a Mubarak political dynasty, which he was nurturing.  Dictatorships by their internal logic are weak and cowardly – they require determined resistance to crack and disappear.

But what is the common denominator in the events in Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan and the presidential candidacy selection of the PDP in Nigeria?  All these events are about the acquisition, management, and mismanagement of political power and its consequences. The PDP may not be a one-man dictatorship, but it is an organised political dictatorship, which has ruled Nigeria for 12 years, and its principals boasting openly that whether the Nigerian people like it or not, they will rule the country for 60 years uninterrupted.  Unchecked political power in Tunisia, Egypt and Sudan, as it is in Nigeria, led to a culture of impunity in which the voice and vote of the people did not count; in which the leadership gloated and pretended that all was well; in which wisdom was absolutised by a few; and in which corruption flourished, unhindered.

The difference between Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan and Nigeria, is that for the former three countries, the process has run full cycle and the dare consequences have matured and unfolded; in Nigeria, the cycle is yet to be completed – the contradictions are fast building up, and the process of change is in incubation! As such, the recent events in Tunisia, Egypt and Sudan should be of interest to those who manage political power in Nigeria, especially the PDP, as an organised political force in the country.  There is major paradox in the cases of Tunisia and Egypt as the site of a peoples’ revolution in the 21st century in Africa. Both countries, though ruled with iron fist have recorded remarkable economic progress, with qualitatively better social and human conditions, incomparable with that of Nigeria or most Sub-Saharan African countries. These countries are amongst the few countries in Africa that are likely to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of halving poverty in their countries by 2015 – Nigeria is far from it!

Tunisia’s economy grew at an average of about  five per cent from the 1990s; inflation was squarely under control, and foreign direct investment flowed in. The World Bank in an assessment of the Tunisian economy in 2004, noted, “Tunisia has one of the fastest growing economies in North Africa and the Middle East since the mid-1980s. It has progressed from being a lower to a middle income country with a per capita income of $2,240”. Literacy rate in Tunisia is about 80% with the right of education codified in law in July 2002.  The percentage of six-year old in school was 99.2% in 2008/2009.  Female education and empowerment is a major priority in Tunisia.  The percentage of female students in secondary school was 58% and that in higher education – 60% in 2010.  About 30% of women occupy decision-making positions in the country. Under the country’s Code of Personal Status of 1956, polygamy was outlawed, and women given equal rights in marital relationships.

Health care services are free, qualitative, and accessible, while access to potable drinking water is about 94% and electricity about 99% for the population in Tunisia.  Given these indicators, life expectancy is very high in the country – 76.2 years for women, and 74.6 years for men, compared to the African average of about 42 years.  Tunisians live a much better life than Nigerians can ever imagine!

Egypt is not as lucky as Tunisia. Although its economy grew at an average of about 6% from 2005-2010, inflation rate was about 17% in 2009, while youth unemployment continue to soar. About 40% of Egyptians live on less than $2 per day. In spite of this, life is much better in Egypt than it is in Nigeria. Over 70% of Nigeria’s population lives in groaning poverty. Even as the demonstrations were going on in Tahrir Square, electricity was regular in the neighbourhoods.  Was it to be in Nigeria, all the protesters may have been shot by the police under the cover of darkness!  But the better living conditions in Tunisia and Egypt could not hold back the process of change.  Although bread may be available, freedom and dignity were absent!  The people fought to reclaim their freedom and dignity!

In Sudan, the people of Southern Sudan have existed as second class citizens in their country right from independence in 1956, and successive governments in Khartoum have cemented that.  Sudan like Nigeria has had a chequered political history with coups, military rule and counter-coups. Two major regimes, both of a military nature, have in succession dominated power in Sudan. The first is that of Colonel Gafaar Mohamed el-Nimeri who ruled from 1969-1985, and the second that of Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir, 1989-present.

These two leaders rather than reform Sudan, to erase the colonial legacy of divide and rule between the North and the South, exacerbated it. Religion, ethnicity and race were invoked as instruments of political legitimation, which furthered the marginalization of the South in national life. The consequence was a protracted civil war, which eventually ended with the signing of a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on 9th January 2005 after three years of painful negotiations. A major part of the agreement is that after five years a referendum would be held for self-determination by the South. The assumption was that in five years the wounds would have been healed, mistakes corrected, and a united Sudan emerged.

This never happened! South Sudan has now completed its final rites of independence.

What are the lessons of Tunisia, Egypt and Sudan for Nigerian leaders? When the leaders deny their people bread, freedom and dignity, resistance and revolution are inevitable.  We rarely need the prophesy of an Atiku or the lamentations of a Ben Nwabueze to know that change is inevitable in Nigeria. But what we do not know is when, how, and in what shape and form the change would be?

Our leaders have planted the seeds of change in the society. Graduate unemployment in Nigeria is over 50%, poverty rate – of less than $2 per day is over 70%, basic infrastructures have completely collapsed – electricity, water, good roads, etc, there is general insecurity,  and an oil exporting country imports refined petroleum for its local use so that oil buccaneers can live off the sweet of the people. Nigeria runs perhaps the most expensive civilian government in the world – the National Assembly consumes significant percentage of the national budget; some past leaders, who were virtually broke before luck smiled on them with state power now own private jets that they travel in; and some others who have little or no knowledge about the oil industry now own oil wells, which they sell for raw cash. The picture is that of a jungle.

Power, as shown in Tunisia, Egypt and Sudan ultimately belongs to the people. It may take long but the people will invariably rescue it from their tormentors. If Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak had premonition about how things would turn out, they would probably have done things differently. Nigerian leaders have the opportunity to change course, initiate progressive reforms and restore hope for their people. If this is not done, there are signposts already of what the future holds for them!

This article first appeared in The Guardian (Lagos) 21 February, 2011.
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HIV: When They Need it Most, Just Embrace, Do Not Reject

By K. Amponsah-Manager

In an earlier article, I told you a story with the title “I Was Shocked When I Was Told I Have HIV”. Please remember to read that if you missed it.

HIV and Stigma:

We have lived with HIV for nearly 30 years, ever since the illness first came to light in the early 1980s, but the cultural attitudes that drive most of the stereotypes do not seem to be going any where. Globally, it estimated that 7,400 people are infected every day with HIV, a significant proportion of this in Africa.

Stigmatization of HIV rooted in cultural and religious attitudes is perhaps sending as many people to their graves as the condition itself.

Stigmatization may be defined as severe social disapproval of personal characteristics or beliefs that are perceived to be against cultural norms. With regard to HIV stigma is portrayed in prejudice, negative attitudes, abuse and maltreatment directed at people living with HIV and AIDS. In some cases, people with HIV are ostracized by direct family members and the wider community. Even healthcare and education facilities may discriminate in offering service to such people.

Causes of HIV Stigma:

The causes for these established stigmas are widespread ranging from religious and cultural beliefs and expectations and mere misinformation. Personally, the first time I heard about HIV was around 1986 and it was in a church. The Ministry of Health had sent out a team of nurses and Para-medics to tour rural communities in Ghana to educate them on the newcomer HIV. In fact Churches and Mosques were the easiest and cheapest places to get the message across.  I was young then, but looking back I am embarrassed by how much misinformation we were fed. And I do not blame the messengers for what they told us. In fact, the world knew very little at that time. Since then much has been learnt about what is and what is not about HIV and AIDS. Some societies have moved quickly in using the available information to undo some of the damage done by the earlier misinformation; other societies are yet to begin the process. This is true of several African communities.

It is sad to say that some communities in Africa still hold the belief that shaking hands, drinking from a cup or eating from a bowl that has been used by a person with HIV, and in extreme cases using a chair previously used by an HIV carrier, will all result in contracting the virus. Again, HIV is normally associated with behaviors that are shunned by society. These include prostitution, drugs, homosexuality, and infidelity. In fact, in some communities, HIV, prostitution and promiscuity are synonyms. HIV was first identified in young gay men in New York and this is always used to tie the illness to the practice of homosexuality. When viewed from the religious perspective, the stigma is even justified since HIV is seen as a punishment for deviant behaviors.

Unfortunately, stigmatization hurts all of us: the patient, the family, and the community as a whole. Early detection is vital to managing the HIV condition but fear of stigmatization makes it difficult for people to go for check up and testing services even when there is reason to believe that something may not be right. The fear of stigmatization holds 1000s of people from accessing care even when it is available to them for free. A sizable proportion of our natural resources is spent in HIV treatment and campaign. We expect to move forward but stigmas and myths continue to be impediment.

The United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon once said

“Stigma remains the single most important barrier to public action. It is a main reason why too many people are afraid to see a doctor to determine whether they have the disease, or to seek treatment if so. It helps make AIDS the silent killer, because people fear the social disgrace of speaking about it, or taking easily available precautions. Stigma is a chief reason why the AIDS epidemic continues to devastate societies around the world.” I couldn’t agree with him any more. 

HIV stigma is not a problem with developing nation alone. Even in a developed world such as the US, stigma associated with HIV prevails. HIV is a new disease compared to malaria, TB, and syphilis but at it is least 25 years old. It is about time that we work our way out of the stigmas associated with the condition and help ourselves, our families and society.

The person living with the HIV virus is a sister, brother, father, mother, teacher and an entertainer. He or she is not just the ‘HIV Patient’. What a different it would make if it was that easy to accept that.

Thanks for reading.

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Out of Zanzibar Comes the Magic Pill: Love in a Spice

Recently, I was doing a Google search for an Analytical Chemistry article on chromatographic separation when I came across one article that was about the separation of the constituents in nutmeg. One reference led me to the other until I finally stumbled upon one material that I found the most exciting. By this time I had accidentally left the chemistry journal website and browsing through diverse materials; some were good ones and some junk, such as, get one-month prescription of  this and that for free, pay only shipping, and things like that.

Let me give you a brief description of nutmeg before I uncover the strange discovery I stumbled upon.

Nutmeg is the dried kernel of the seeds of an evergreen tree with strong aroma and a (slightly) bitter taste. It was used in the preparations of various medicines in ancient times. Even today it is used widely in pharmaceutical preparations. The oil extracted from the herb is used in liniments, perfumes, hair lotions and as an antispasmodic. It has applications in managing digestive disorders, insomnia, dehydration, skin disorders and common cold.

But the strange use of nutmeg that I came across which interests my scientific curiosity the most is the use as sex-stimulating spice for women who have either lost their passion or could do with a little help. And the exciting this about this secret is that it is the women of Zanzibar, Africa who hold the patent to this life changing magic pill for women.

This material that I landed upon was about STONE TOWN in Zanzibar. According to the material even if there were women Viagra on the market, the women of Stone Town would have nothing to with it because nutmeg plays the exact role in their lives.  Again, in Zanzibar, women attending funerals, weddings and other social functions have no regard for alcohol because they do not need it to let go their inhibition. Their new secret is nutmeg mixed with porridge early in the morning before leaving for the occasion.

There are certain things every woman must have in her purse: A pocket mirror, a pen, a notepad, Aspirin (ibuprofen), lip gloss/ chap-stick, cell phone and the usual feminine products. In Stone Town, a woman attending a wedding or funeral doesn’t care about any of the above-mentioned products. The one thing she must have in her purse is nutmeg.

Stone Town is predominantly an Islamic community (95% Moslems). Alcohol is strongly prohibited by Islam. Nutmeg is not. These women, by the gift of nature, use the nutmeg to fill a big gap that  the prohibition of alcohol leaves in their lives.

There’s Viagra for men but women Viagra is not an everyday prescription yet. The price of nutmeg fluctuates around four dollars per pound. For the average woman, this can sustain her for a couple of days. If the women of Zanzibar can improvise with the ‘magic substance’, it shouldn’t be an Apollo IX scale project for scientist to find something for women.

The only disadvantage mentioned is strong taste of nutmeg, which may make it difficult to consume enough of it to get the desired result. Of course, if the active ingredient is extracted, then only milligrams may be needed to get the ‘high’. Even with the current crude form of the material, the sources say a woman needs no more than two nutmegs to “make her eyes soft,”

I’ve been looking for peer-reviewed scientific articles to substantiate the claims of the women of Zanzibar. I’ve hence come across an experimental study by researchers at the Aligarh Muslim University in India. The team found that nutmeg significantly increased sexual activity of rats. This was established by observing an increase in their “mounting frequency, intromission frequency, intromission latency,” as well as erections, quick flips, long flips and the aggregate of penile reflexes with penile stimulation.”

I’m afraid the women of Zanzibar may be holding the patent to a life-changing substance for women, sex enhancing spice. I am employed at the moment and work in somebody’s laboratory so I can not have the luxury to investigate this for myself experimentally to establish the scientific basics for the nutmeg’ sex boosting power. But when I retire and set up my own laboratory, needless to say, research into nutmegs and other country medicines will be a top priority for me.[ad#justluxe_125x125redtag][ad#Adsense-200by200sq]

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How Far Will African Dictators Go to Quell The New Wave of Popular Uprising?

Protests in Algeria

African countries are going through a dynamic change, a change that the regimes cannot curtail even with the oppressive state apparatuses that have been employed over the years vehemently hold power. Two leadership casualties have been recorded so far; Ben-Ali of Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt. These protests which regimes describe as social unrest are mainly driven by the use of the internet. Apart from the police brutality and killing of innocent protesters, the main tool with which these leaders are responding to these live demonstrations is the shutting down of the internet. Algeria’s President Abdul-Aziz Bouteflika and Moumah Ghaddafi are examples at point. Will shutting down the internet stop the revolt?

While the Algerians have been on the streets for a few weeks, their Libyan counterparts just joined the ‘wave of protest’ or revolution blowing across the continent. In Libya, Bengazi, one of Libya’s largest cities, is playing host to the uprising just like the Tahir Square in Egypt. The people of Libya have endured the reign of terror under president Ghaddafi in connivance with state security agencies for over four decades amidst numerous human right abuses. Suppression of opposition parties and silencing dissent voices has been the order of the day. But how long will Ghaddafi and his cohort continue to repress the popular uprising from same people they have maimed, traumatized and killed over the years?

One thing about these popular protests or revolution on the continent is their regional spread. The Maghreb states (Egypt not inclusive) that have been under the leadership of ‘Iron-fisted’ leaders are the most affected. The latest trend, however, shows a departure but the same message is the same as Tunisians and Egyptians gave to their erstwhile leaders: Reform government, Change your ways, Give us freedom.

The waves are gradually trickling down to other parts of Africa where people are experiencing similar inhuman conditions. This is a clear demonstration of the fact that basic human needs are the same: freedom and dignity, and that, African leaders are the same also. Therefore, I believe the popular uprising will leave no country untouched except the leaders learn fast to improve the condition of lives of the suffering millions and revitalize their economies, promote fair and balanced elections and respect election results as well as stop human-right abuses.

In line with Obama’s assertion in his speech in Ghana last year, ‘Africa does not need strong men; rather, it needs strong institutions’ that would bring the desirable development the people are yearning for’. African leaders who are not ready to shape their countries for good will be shown the way out by the people. The era of absolute dictatorship is gradually becoming extinct.

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Egypt: Liberal Democracy or an African Democracy? (analysis)

By Patricia Daley

As I watched the scenes of revolutionary protest in Egypt and the reluctance of democratic western nations, self-claimed champions of democracy, to support the will of the Egyptian people, I started to ponder why the use of the term ‘liberal democracy’ has always made me feel uncomfortable, even though I am opposed to dictatorships, one-party rule, and other systems of governance that deny the participation of citizens.

In contemporary political rhetoric, democracy is often seen as the gold standard. Yet, those who uphold it at home and cite it as a reason to pursue warfare, when confronted with people power, are left bumbling. The humanity and dignity of the Egyptian people are at odds with geo-political interests – even when exposed to the full glare of international attention. It seems as if the empire has no clothes.

These events force us to consider the relationship between liberal democracy, empire, global economic dominance, and social Darwinism. The Nigerian scholar Claude Ake, in his book ‘Democracy and Development in Africa’, considers democracy within the history of colonial and post-colonial Africa. Writing of the North’s attitude to democracy in Africa, Ake notes that:

‘Even at its best, liberal democracy is inimical to the idea of the people having effective decision-making power. The essence of liberal democracy is precisely the abolition of popular power and the replacement of popular sovereignty with the rule of law (p.130).’

The evolution of democracy since its origin in ancient Greece has been well-documented and its variants have occupied political philosophers, especially with regards to its manifestations in western societies. Ake discusses how western social science constant clarification of the meaning of democracy has ended in redefining it to the detriment of its democratic values. For example, in the protective theory of democracy, the people are protected from the state through a vibrant civil society. Political stability is dependent on people surrendering participation and political apathy is interpreted as a sign of people being content with rulers.

Ake is critical of the political conditionality of the 1990s and the emphasis placed on multi-party elections, however manipulated, as the marker of a democratic state. This crude democracy is, however, undermined by the political authoritarianism of structural adjustment and poverty reduction and growth strategies, and the continued militarization of African societies through the sale of weapons and military policy interventions such as AFRICOM. Such forms of democracy reinforce the idea that those who reside in developing countries have less right to the benefits of development. As the Caribbean writer, CLR James, points out, Africans in the diaspora have for centuries known the limitations of bourgeois democracy.

Ake concludes by outlining the sort of democracy that Africa needs:

‘…a democracy in which people have some real decision-making power over and above the consent of electoral choice…a democracy that places emphasis on concrete political, social and economic rights as opposed to a liberal democracy that emphasises abstract political rights…a democracy that puts emphasis on collective rights as it does on individual rights…a democracy of incorporation (p.132).’

For Ake, the only way this democracy can be achieved is if Africans take hold of the process; not the elites who, he argues, have ‘ceded the initiative to the international development community’, and appear to ‘neither knowing what to do about the mounting crisis nor being in control of events…they have been weakened by their sheer lack of control, their poverty of ideas, and their humiliation’ (p.132).

To effectuate democracy, one has to address policies of development and ideologies of militarism that leave the masses of people unemployed and impoverished, whilst the elites accumulate wealth through facilitating contracts with multi-national corporations and the purchasing of weapons. Despite the billions of aid that Egypt has gotten from the west, the majority of its people continue to live in impoverished circumstances. Development aid, in this instance, is to sustain an autocratic regime that subjects its people to the will of global and regional hegemonic powers, at a cost to their well-being. It’s instructive that the 2010 Human Development Report for Egypt, notes:

‘…the most striking and unusual finding of this Report is the extent to which youth are excluded from political and civic participation, especially since the definition of youth for this Report is 18-29 years [numbering 30 million], at which time youth are legally empowered to vote and make important social decisions (http://www.undp.org.eg/Default.aspx?tabid=227).’

The report refers to the state of limbo most youth find themselves in, what it terms ‘waithood’ – waiting to start a living, to have the resources to become an adult. This feature of contemporary life is not peculiar to Egypt and, though the report refers to cultural and political factors that contribute to this state, it fails to acknowledge the economic reforms that have destroyed the structures that sustained the societies. The mix of state retreat from social welfare provisioning, privatised education, reduced public sector, and high unemployment, combined with economic policies of extraction, have destroyed the future prospects of young people.

Proposals to include young people through creating separate political institutions fall short because they are envisaged within an economic system that marginalises them. True development and democracy are two sides of the same coin. Both have to be participatory to be effective, and at their core is the principle of self-reliance and direct action by the people – as primary agents of change.

Recently, I watched again an episode of the late Basil Davidson’s 1980s series on Africa. This particular episode focused on early African communities and how they mastered the continent.

Davidson considered the systems of governance that worked and created stability in these communities. It was a system where the communities came together to ensure the survival of each and every member, what people in Africa term ubuntu. This is how the historian, Walter Rodney, in his book ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’, understood the concept of development; as being dependent on ‘the coming together of the societies in the struggle against natural hazards and to protect their freedom; on this basis humans developed tools and organized their labour to enable social development (p. 2).’ The personal development of the individual is intertwined with that of the collective.

Capitalist development, with its focus on individual choice, may have appeared to deliver material benefits to many in the industrialised countries but this came out of the struggle of the working people fighting for better living and working conditions. Such struggles, what Karl Marx termed, class struggles, are on-going, and are bound to intensify in the late neo-liberal era, as the safety blankets in some welfarist societies in the west are pulled away. As David Harvey and Samir Amin have shown us, inequalities and uneven development are inherent to the capitalist system. Accumulation by dispossession in the global south and former colonial territories continues apace, assisted by comprador elites. Such practices are set to intensify as a result of the economic crises that have recently beset advanced capitalist economies.

Advocates of social justice in Africa and everywhere have to sharpen their tools of analysis to provide directions for non-violent revolutions and to think creatively about the sorts of socio-political organisations that will provide genuine representation. The focus on ‘community’ by international development institutions has sought to de-politicise and de-mobilise transformative collective actions in many states. While the old ideas of socialism may have lost their relevance and organising power after 1989, the principles of collective action, social justice, and popular participation remain as rallying cries for revolutionaries. The lesson from the recent uprisings in North Africa is that the quest for human freedom can never be extinguished.

The Tunisian and Egyptian peoples’ call for an end to dictatorship, military brutality, and their assertion of the right to self-determination forces scholars of social justice to think through how to operationalise democratic principles like those outlined by Ake and long articulated in the philosophy of ubuntu. The people know what they want, but, as social scientists, do we know how to give them what they want?

Pambazuka, by Patricia Daley
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Self-Made Man of God Inserts Fingers into 5 Women Private Parts

A 29-year-old self-styled Man of God has been nabbed by the Adenta District Police Command for allegedly inserting his fingers into the private parts of five women under the pretext of praying for them.

Prophet Richard Addo, who claims to be a member of Word Miracle Church at Nungua, a suburb of Accra, was arrested after one of the women boldly reported the incident to the police.

As at press time yesterday, the five complainants had given their statements to the Adenta police about the alleged acts of Prophet Richard Addo. According to information available to DAILY GUIDE, Prophet Addo also charged the women various amounts of money ranging from GH¢150 to GH¢200 and as well tried to ravage their bodies.

According to one of the victims (named with-held), she met the man of God in November 2010 on the street where he told her that he had had a vision in which a baby was walking behind her and crying. “I then confessed to him that I have had an abortion before and he said that he will help me pray to break that bondage. “We then made an appointment to meet at my hostel for prayers. Later, he asked me to give him G¢150 to purchase olive oil for the deliverance prayers while the remaining balance will also be used as seed money for prayer request.”

According to her, during a subsequent prayer session, Prophet Richard Addo asked her to strip naked in a hotel room while he used the olive oil to rub her whole body, following which he inserted the olive oil into her vagina.

Another victim also narrated that Prophet Richard Addo after meeting her, said it had been revealed to him that she was barren. “He made me to pay GH¢200 for olive oil and the rest to be used as prayer request fees.” She maintained that Prophet Richard Addo inserted four of his fingers into her private parts while praying for her.

Confirming the story to Daily Guide, Adenta District Police Commander, DSP Stephen Kofi Ahiatafu, said the victims reported to the police on Monday February 14, 2011 about what they allegedly went through at the hands of the self-styled pastor.

He said one of the victims reported first to the station that the said man of God took her laptop, an amount of GH¢150 and fingered her as well under the pretext of praying for her.

DSP Ahiatafu said in all, five women, some of whom were married and others students, had lodged complaints against the pastor. “After collecting money from them, Prophet Richard Addo then takes them to a hotel room, rubs olive oil on their bodies, and inserts his fingers into their private pans as well,” the commander said.

He appealed to other women who might have fallen victim to his acts to report at the station. When the self-styled man of God was asked to demonstrate how he did it, he said he inserted his four fingers into the women’s vaginas with the help of the olive oil.

(The daily Guide)

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