Posted on

The Power of Partnerships in Africa, by Kofi Annan

We are witnessing a historic change to the development paradigm. Drastic spending cuts in the United States, uncertainty around Europe’s common currency and the consequences of the earthquake in Japan are reordering international priorities and put further pressure on aid budgets. At the same time, development needs in Africa are multiplying as climate change and rapid population growth add new financing demands, and populations empowered by advancements in information and communication technology are asking more of their leaders. While aid remains vitally important to build capacity, leverage other flows and achieve specific results, it is clear that African leaders and international donors need to look beyond traditional development strategies to fill funding gaps and accelerate progress.

We at the Africa Progress Panel are convinced that partnerships harnessing a broader range of actors and their energy, creativity and resources can provide at least part of the solution. In this year’s Africa Progress Report, which we launched yesterday at the World Economic Forum on Africa, we call on leaders in all sectors, including government, business, and civil society, to do more to strengthen, replicate and scale-up existing partnerships, but also to identify and consider new forms and areas of collaboration.

Partnerships have already demonstrated their transformative impact. In recent years, we have seen collaboration between the private sector and international philanthropists leading to significant reductions in malaria deaths. Partnerships between mobile-phone providers and governments have greatly increased access to finance for Africa’s poor. And collaboration between civil society and intergovernmental organizations has vastly improved access to credit for smallholder farmers and helped raise agricultural productivity.

By mobilizing resources, improving efficiencies or extending services, access and opportunities to marginalized groups, partnerships can clearly achieve tremendous results. In doing so, they are already complementing and expanding government-led development efforts. But — as the various partnerships around the introduction of mobile money in East Africa have shown — collaborations brought to scale can achieve much more. They can create vibrant markets, transform entire sectors, and lead to sustainable structural change.

As countries and companies are shifting their attention from Africa’s problems to its vast potential and abundant opportunities, new spaces for engaging actors around their comparative advantages are opening up. The private sector understands that it needs the access and knowledge of local partners and national governments to grasp the enormous commercial opportunities at the bottom of the pyramid. Governments and civil society organizations are recognizing the value of the resources, capacities and expertise the private sector can bring to their development efforts. As the interests of the various sectors continue to converge, and improvements in regulatory environments make cooperating easier and safer, opportunities for partnerships continue to grow.

However, despite the many encouraging examples we have seen, the number of successful partnerships remains miniscule compared with both the potential and the need for them. Too often, activities remain small-scale, localized and isolated, as actors lack the capacity, resources or incentives to scale up their operations, replicate them elsewhere, or deliver more than piecemeal change. As a result, many opportunities for tackling Africa’s problems and driving its progress are missed — to everyone’s detriment.

We argue that more can, and should be, done to facilitate the spread of successful partnership models across countries and sectors. National governments can do more to ensure the regulatory conditions that allow partnerships to mature beyond pilot projects. International donors and institutions can do more to initiate and provide seed funding, risk mitigation and other supportive guarantees to innovative models. Private-sector actors, particularly international corporations, can do more to move beyond traditional patterns of sourcing, production, and distribution, and expand their operations to marginalized segments of the population. And civil society organizations can do more to increase accountability and play a constructive intermediary role.

However, despite the enormous value they can add, partnerships for development are certainly no panacea for all of Africa’s problems. Even brought to scale, there are limits to what they can achieve. They do not replace good governance, strong institutions as well as political leadership and vision as the core ingredients of progress. On the contrary, partnerships depend on these to be able to fulfill their potential.

Crucially, partnerships do not shift the responsibility for progress away from the shoulders of African leaders and international donors, even though they can help to spread the burden. Donors still need to fulfill the extensive financial and political commitments they have made to Africa, and it remains up to African leaders to inspire processes and build capacities to translate the continent’s wealth and potential into tangible benefits for its citizens. It also remains up to them to protect these citizens from the vagaries of nature and the volatilities of the global economy, providing them with adequate public services and opportunities to feed and educate their children and make a decent living.

For this, Africa’s leaders need to rise to the interlinked challenges of growing their economies, delivering results for their people, conserving the environment, and achieving the Millennium Development Goals they set themselves a decade ago. My fellow panel members and I strongly believe that partnerships can help them with all of these tasks.
Kofi Annan is Chair of the Africa Progress Panel. The panel launched the 2011 Africa Progress Report — ‘The Transformative Power of Partnerships’ — at the World Economic Forum on Africa this week. The full report is available to download from www.africaprogresspanel.org

Share
Posted on

Africa: ‘Continent of Hope’, Kofi Annan

The foreword to the Africa Progress Report 2011, by the former United Nations Secretary-General:

The last year has been particularly eventful for the continent, and the world as a whole.

A growing debt mountain in the United States, uncertainty around Europe’s common currency and the consequences of the earthquake in Japan are reordering the industrialized world’s priorities. This and the lingering repercussions of the global financial crisis, accelerating shifts in the balance of economic and political power, high food and fuel prices, and political change in North Africa have transformed the policy space in which African leaders and their partners operate. By compounding existing challenges, but also by creating new opportunities, these dynamics are transforming prospects for ordinary Africans across the continent.

The events of the last year have also accelerated changes in how Africa is perceived – and perceives itself. The broader aftershocks of the financial crisis, including currency and price volatility, fiscal crises and asset-price collapse, have proved that no region, for better or worse, can be seen as exogenous to the world economy. They have also highlighted the need for new growth poles and markets to sustain the economic order in the developed world. As a result, countries and companies are increasingly shifting their attention from Africa’s problems to its vast potential and abundant opportunities. In the process, they are redefining the continent’s image.

On the continent, these shifts in perception are accompanied by a heightened appreciation of the need for African self-reliance in an uncertain world, and by a palpable spirit of optimism despite some high-profile setbacks. The fast recovery and strong growth rates of many economies, plus numerous examples of social and political progress, are feeding a remarkable “can-do” spirit. This is reinforced by events such as the Football World Cup in South Africa, the peaceful referendum in South Sudan, the adoption of new constitutions in Kenya and Niger, and unforeseen political change in Egypt and Tunisia.

What was termed “the hopeless continent” ten years ago has now unquestionably become the continent of hope. Hope that strong growth rates will translate into jobs, incomes and irreversible human-development gains; that the continent’s enormous wealth will be used to foster equitable and inclusive growth and generate opportunities for all; that economic transformation and social progress will drive further improvements in democratic governance and accountability as the middle classes grow and demand more of their politicians and service providers; and hope that rulers who abuse their power to enrich themselves at the expense of the poor and of democratic processes are, at last, seeing the writing on the wall.

That many of these hopes actually seem attainable shows how far the continent has come. Hope, however, is not enough. Positive trends are being offset in too many countries by structural governance deficits.

Violence, political turmoil, and uncertainty still scar too many parts of the continent and add to the challenges already at hand. The slow progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the difficult task of providing productive employment for rapidly growing numbers of young people, increasing inequalities and food insecurity, the risk of contagion through increasingly interconnected systems and the effects of climate change all threaten past and future gains.

Despite repeated promises of reform by the world’s most powerful countries and institutions, Africans also remain heavily marginalized in world affairs, with little say in and control over how decisions affecting their countries are taken. The continent’s enormous potential remains constrained by unfair global rules and the ambivalent behaviour of many partners, particularly with respect to tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade, distorting quotas and bloated subsidy regimes.

Given these obstacles and challenges, it is all the more remarkable that some countries in Africa have shown such solid progress towards sustainable growth and development. They offer clear proof that, with the right combination of leadership, focused development plans, and international support, enormous advances are possible in even the most difficult circumstances.

However, all African countries face the increasingly difficult task of mobilizing resources in an age of austerity. As pressures on aid budgets increase, and climate change adds new financing demands, African leaders and international donors are realizing that they cannot drive development on their own. Official development cooperation remains vitally important to build capacity, leverage other flows and achieve specific results. Yet, there is also a growing need for partnerships harnessing a broader range of actors and their energy, creativity and resources to fill the gaps.

Such partnerships have already proven their transformative power.

Collaboration between the private sector and international philanthropists has led to significant reductions in malaria deaths. Partnerships between mobile-phone providers and governments have resulted in greater access to credit in rural areas and transformed business across entire regions.

Partnerships between civil society and intergovernmental organizations have led to vastly improved agricultural methods and inputs for smallholder farmers. By mobilizing resources, improving efficiencies, or extending services, access and opportunities to previously marginalized segments of the population, partnerships can clearly complement, expand and improve government-led development efforts. If scaled up, they can even affect sustainable structural change.

Current dynamics are highly favourable for strengthening cross-sectoral collaboration. Over the last years, new spaces have opened up for engaging actors around their comparative advantages and respective interests as the benefits of partnering have become more obvious. The private sector understands that it needs the access and knowledge of local partners and national governments to grasp the enormous commercial opportunities at the bottom of the pyramid. Governments and civil society organisations are recognizing the value of the resources, capacities, and expertise the private sector can bring to their development efforts. As the interests of the various sectors continue to converge and improvements in regulatory environments make cooperating easier and safer, opportunities for partnerships continue to grow.

The core elements of effective partnerships are well established, even though their combination may vary: political leadership and vision from governments, along with a supportive regulatory, legal and fiscal environment; a private sector incentivized to invest capital and ideas not just for immediate returns but for longer-term change that will strengthen markets, value chains and social stability; civil society afforded the space by business and government to keep both accountable for socially and environmentally responsible behaviour; and international organizations, African or otherwise, able to advocate global standards and share best practices, especially from other parts of the global South.

The idea of partnerships for development is hardly new. For over a decade, MDG 8 has been calling for stronger partnerships as a basis for achieving all other goals. Despite the existence of many encouraging examples, and valuable lessons learned, we are still not seeing enough success stories replicated or brought to scale to effect lasting structural change. Too many actors still see the risks of engaging in partnerships rather than the opportunities, and too many states still fail to harness the developmental potential of their civil society organizations or to provide the enabling environment and incentive structures to make partnerships attractive for private-sector actors. This results in missed opportunities to tackle problems and drive progress. Given the transformative power of partnerships, it will be crucial to overcome these blockages and convince all sides of the inherent benefits of partnering for progress. This is the main purpose of this report.

Kofi A. Annan

Chair of the Africa Progress Panel

Share
Posted on

Africa Transforms to ‘Continent of Hope,’ Says Annan

Cape Town — Despite high-profile setbacks, Africa has in the past decade changed from being “the hopeless continent” to “the continent of hope”, former United Nations chief Kofi Annan says in a report issued Thursday.

“Countries and companies are increasingly shifting their attention from Africa’s problems to its vast potential and abundant opportunities,” he says. The continent’s quick recovery from the global financial crisis, and “numerous examples of social and political progress” are “feeding a remarkable ‘can-do’ spirit.”

“Hope, however, is not enough,” adds Annan. Violence, political turmoil and uncertainty “scar too many parts of the continent,” increasing inequalities, food insecurity, the effects of climate change and difficulties in creating jobs for the young. And Africa still has little influence on decisions affecting it which are taken by the international community.

Annan highlighted what he called “a palpable spirit of optimism” for the continent in the foreword to the 2001 report of the Africa Progress Panel, an international review panel established to monitor whether the world’s leaders are meeting their commitments to Africa. The report was launched at the World Economic Forum for Africa, which is meeting in Cape Town.

Annan, the leader of the panel, was scheduled to be joined at the launch by the former Nigerian president, Olusegun Obasanjo, activist Graça Machel and Botswana’s central banker, Linah Kelebogile Mohohlo, who are among other panelists.

The report notes that Africa grew more quickly than most parts of the world in the five years before the 2008-2010 global economic crisis, and that exports and foreign direct investment dropped during the crisis, but that “most of Africa is now resuming its growth spurt.” The report cites International Monetary Fund predictions that sub-Saharan Africa’s gross domestic product would grow in real terms by 5.5 percent this year and 5.8 percent in 2012.

However, the report adds, the average figure masks big differences between countries: “While the Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tanzania and Zambia are all expected to be among the world’s ten fastest-growing economies, the Central African Republic, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea and Eritrea are projected to grow at rates far below the average.”

The report also underlines a key problem of most of Africa’s growth: that it is based in a number of countries on the extraction and export of natural resources and raw materials, such as minerals, without any value being added by processing or manufacturing on the continent.

“While natural-resource extraction has accounted for only about a third of Africa’s real GDP growth in the last decade, more than 80 percent of the continent’s export earnings come from primary, generally unprocessed commodities,” the report says.

It adds that the economies of several countries are geared towards the export of single commodities, including copper (Zambia) and aluminium (Mozambique). This has resulted in unbalanced development, with weak links between export-orientated and other sectors.

“With the notable exceptions of Egypt, Tunisia and South Africa, where manufacturing and services account for 83 per cent of combined GDP, 15 non-extractive sectors and competitive industries remain heavily under-developed in most African countries…

“Driven by capital-intensive extractive sectors, the current type of economic growth has little positive impact on employment and income levels and virtually no effect on employment-intensive sectors such as agriculture,” the report says.

Nevertheless, the report concludes that the current strong economic recovery reiterates Africa’s “immense” economic potential.

“While poor policies, conflicts, natural disasters and other seismic events may disrupt growth in individual countries and subregions and significant structural barriers remain to be overcome, the fundamental trends and drivers suggest a positive growth outlook for most of the continent…

“In order to make the most of the continent’s enormous potential, and counter the risks in years ahead, African leaders, with the help of their international partners, need to accelerate economic diversification and structural transformation,” the report says.

Share
Posted on

Stop Belittling and Denigrating the Ability and Competency of African Women!

In the Holy Bible, it is stated that God created man before a woman. Many people do not understand why God took this action but I believe He might have used man as a rough draft before coming out with the final masterpiece, in this case the woman. This clearly shows how unique and precious women are. A woman is the epitome of tenderness, care and wisdom. Women’s contribution to nation building cannot be over-emphasized. This could be seen in all sectors of the African economy – agriculture, health, education, public service, trade, among others. Although, women constitute over fifty percent (50%) of the world’s active population, the number of women in politics leaves much to be desired. Besides, women continue to face discrimination, abuses and prejudice. This unfortunate situation therefore calls for more pragmatic policies geared towards gender equality in all spheres of life so that the livelihood of the African woman could be improved. In his Inaugural Address in June 2000, at the UN Session in Beijing, our own Kofi Annan who was the then UN Secretary General remarked; “the future of this planet depends on women”. The implication is that without women, development and the survival of the human race will remain elusive.

The onus therefore lies on the various political parties in Africa and more especially, Ghana to ensure that the welfare and empowerment of the Ghanaian woman feature prominently in their plans, policies and programmes. But what is the current situation in Africa now? Apart from the president of Liberia, Her Excellency, Ellis Johnson, men have dominated the topmost political positions in Africa. The situation in Ghana under Mills-Mahama administration, as far as the record, policies, programmes and attitude of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) towards women is very pathetic. The NDC claims to be a democratic party and thus believes in the tenets of democracy yet the response of the party’s functionaries to the recent resignation of Mrs. Rawlings and her intention to contest the sitting President for the party’s flag-bearership slot cuts a slur on the party’s credibility. But why should this happen to a woman of Nana Konadu’s calibre? Is Konadu’s case not a clear manifestation of the ruling P/NDC’s negative attitude towards the generality of Ghanaian women? Is it because Mrs. Rawlings lacks the qualities of a good leader? Is it because Konadu, together with her husband, illegally acquired state assets? Is it because she was once said she regretted being born an Asante? Is it because she wants to give more identification hair cuts to men who date her daughters? Is it because she wants to act as a conduit for her husband, J.J. Rawlings to rule the Ghana once again and cause more mayhem? Is it because Nana Konadu wants to buy more Jacuzzis or is it because she has unfinished business of making the rich and the poor equal? Ghanaians would like to know from Nana Konadu’s detractors.

Still in Ghana, one can look at the horrible and despicable treatment of women during the Rawlings’ AFRC/PNDC era with deep emotions. Whilst many married and unmarried women were stripped naked and given lashes, others were raped, some had their businesses and assets confiscated and an uncountable number of them killed. The abduction and killing of Mrs. Cecelia Koranteng-Addo who was nursing a baby is still fresh in the minds of her fellow women. Again, between 1997 and 2000 under the Rawlings-Mills administration, over 34 innocent women were mysteriously murdered and no pragmatic action was taken to arrest the perpetrators of these callous murders. How could the NDC therefore convince Ghanaians that it is a party that has the requisite capacity to ensure the safety and protection of women? The mere introduction of the Cash and Carry System – a killer health policy as well as the pulling down of the Makola Market in Accra shows the uncaring nature of the NDC towards women’s issues.

In fact, our hard working women do not need a rocket scientist to show them how their socio-economic and political situations have deteriorated over the last two years.  The President of the Republic of Ghana, Prof. John Mills promised to give 40% ministerial appointments to women but ended up with only 11%. Asked why 11% and not the 40% promised, Mills had this to say; “Ghanaian women are not interested in politics”. Since John Mills undeservedly became the leader of Ghana, not a single policy or programme has been designed to empower our Ghanaian women politically, socially and economically and this is evident in the introduction of new taxes, high interest rates which discourage potential borrowers as well as the abnormal increase in utility tariffs.

In addition, some of the Ministers under his mediocre government have been so rude to our women to the extent that they brand female politicians as prostitutes. I hope John Jinapor – the vice president’s Spokesperson and Hannah Bissiw – the Cuban trained specialist in the welfare of ants, cockroaches, dogs, snakes, mosquitoes and other animals are listening. Surprisingly, Akua Sena Dansua whose home region houses the 3,500 Trokosi slaves could not even use her position as Minister of Women and Children’s Affairs to free these innocent women and girls from this bondage. In the end Akua Dansua whose primary up to tertiary education was funded by the tax payer, had the gut to advise some female students not to prolong their education all because it poses a threat to their marriage. Today, all the executive members of the NDC, together with government appointees have been attacking the former first lady with disrespect. Her crime? Her readiness and willingness to contest against a lame-duck President. For instance, the Eastern Regional Chairman of the NDC, Julius Debrah describes Mrs. Rawlings’ action as rubbish and that NDC members and sympathizers are not “Zombis”. The Communications Minister, Haruna Iddrisu argues that Ghanaians are not ready for a female president yet he fails to tell us when the time will be due. Is it not a case of the Minister belittling and denigrating the ability and competency of Ghanaian women? Kwesi Pratt, a die-hard unofficial member of the NDC says he would use all the necessary means to prevent Nana Konadu from becoming a president in Ghana. The General Secretary of the NDC, Johnson Asiedu Nketia believes the NDC party is not like a one-man church. So my mothers, nieces and sisters; is the National Democratic Congress not an anti-women?

It is in the light of the above that I urge all African leaders to follow the pragmatic steps taken by the former president of Ghana, His Excellency, J.A. Kufuor in addressing women’s issues. Under his New Patriotic Party’s (NPP) administration between 2001 and 2008, a new ministry known as the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs was created and it was raised to Cabinet status to ensure that all official policy gave consideration to women’s interest. In effect, not only did domestic violence and child trafficking decrease, but also gender equality was enhanced in Ghana. The fear and panic that gripped Ghana prior to the 2000 general elections under Rawlings and his puppet, John Mills, where thirty four (34) women were serially killed, vanished into thin air in 2001 after the arrest of one Charles Quansah who confessed to have killed 8 out of the 34 murdered women. President Kufour appointed 25% of women into his administration and Ms Elizabeth Ohene, one of the influential women in Ghana’s contemporary politics emerged as the first appointee of Kufuor. Again, a Free Maternal Care policy which enabled pregnant women to have access to free medical care was in fruition, there was the introduction of National Health Insurance Scheme as well as the capitation grant which reduced the financial burden of parents on their children’s education.

Having realised that majority of women were more dominant in the Private Sector, especially petty trading, the NPP government set up the Micro Finance and Small Loans Centre (MASLOC), where micro credit was extended to women who engaged in economic activities with the view to reducing poverty levels and vulnerability. The Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) policy which enabled the aged and vulnerable to access between GHS 8.00 and GHS 15.00 was very commendable. Besides, the party strategically put in place measures to ensure that more females represented their constituents in the 2008 parliamentary elections. Consequently fifteen (15) female Members of Parliament in Ghana won parliamentary elections on NPP tickets as against four (4) by the ruling NDC and one (1) from the CPP respectively.

In winding up, I would add that if it is generally accepted that the successful development of any nation basically depends on the expansion of individual human opportunities; and the involvement of the masses in the development process including women who form majority of Africa’s population, then efforts must be made to eliminate all cultural, religious, legal and economic constraints that hinder the full participation of women in self and national development in order to maximize their productivity and that of the nation. In this endeavour, I appeal to all women to join hands with the political party that has proven by words and deeds that it has the welfare of women at heart. Besides, the women themselves who are the ‘victims’ of injustices must become ‘activists’. They should not be passive, silent, submissive and adapted until the necessary changes are made. On this note, I exhort Obaapa Nana Konadu Agyemang Rawlings to be resolute in her quest to become the flag-bearer of the NDC in the upcoming congress. The voice of Friends of Nana Konadu Agyemang Rawlings (FONKAR) is the voice of the NDC, so Nana Konadu go, go, go high. Who knows you could become the next Yaa Asantewaa of Ashanti and Ghana? I can’t wait to see NANA of NDC versus NANA of NPP in Election 2012. It will be “All die be die”.

God bless Ghana! African women!!  God bless Kufuor!!!

Katakyie Kwame Opoku Agyemang, Hull. UK

katakyienpp@yahoo.co.uk 07944309859

“Vision, coupled with persistency, results in true success”

Share
Posted on

Importance of Electronic Media to The Democratic Development of Ghana.

The branches of government in a democracy are as follows: the Executive branch, the Legislative branch and the Judiciary. Even though the electronic media is not a direct institutional branch it forms part and parcel of any successful political set up that can be described as a good democracy. The media is the interface or the intermediary between the three main branches of the democratic system and the people or rather citizens that these branches are expected to serve. Thereby, a complex system of checks and balances and transparency is established creating an environment of government accountability to the citizens of the state. In the absence of the media therefore, democracies will not empower citizens the way they are expected to.

Over the years however, the media has taken several shapes and forms. Since Johannes Gutenberg’s 15th Century discovery of the printing machine, mankind has found new and innovative ways to disseminate information. From the talking drums of our ancestors to the World Wide Web which makes internet communication possible, the methods of spreading information have improved substantially making the electronic media a more vital feature in democracies. It is the belief of several political pundits that, the success of the National Patriotic Party in the 2000 Presidential elections was heavily influenced by the free media in Ghana.

Will the media however always play a positive role in Ghana’s democracy? How can the media which, is expected to be an instrument of freedom corrupt the country’s democratic system? It must be noted that, the positive role of a free electronic media in a vibrant and dynamic democracy such as what is currently being practised in Ghana can be abused. So instead of the media playing a positive role in the organization of general elections for instance it could even destabilize the social as well as political harmony prevailing in the country at the moment. This usually happens, when politicians are able to infiltrate the ranks of media practitioners in the country. So political reportage can become propaganda machinery designed to endorse government policy and advance the agenda of political parties. The media’s role can also be undermined by the commercialization of news agencies in Ghana whereby reporters seek or endeavour to sensationalise stories and events for popularity and ratings.

The war in Iraq spearheaded by the Bush administration enjoyed public support in America but it is believed that the majority of the supporters of the war which was described as illegal by the then Secretary-General of the United Nations Mr Kofi Annan, were convinced that Iraq and its former leader the late Saddam Hussein were involved in the 9/11 terrorist attacks on New York city and Washington DC. The war at one point was termed as a “Rush Limbaugh/Fox News War — based on the premise that in our current media environment if you tell a lie forcefully and frequently enough, the lie will triumph”. The Fox news network was therefore used as an outlet for misinformation and misdirection thereby securing support for an illegitimate war that threatened international peace and stability and cost billions of dollars that contributed to a decline in the US economy. A free media can therefore be an instrument of deception if not utilised properly.

It is also widely believed that radio stations were used to incite the very tragic genocide of Rwanda in 1994. Radio presenters and journalists analyzed normal political and social events in a tribal context creating the impression that social chaos was imminent unless certain members of the society were eliminated. The outcome was the massacre of nearly one million Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Most of the killings were carried out by civilian Hutus against their Tutsi neighbours and has been described as one of the worst tragedies in the history of mankind.

These are a few examples of how the wrong use of a liberalized electronic media system can ultimately destroy or defeat the essence of democracies and engineer a national atmosphere of deceit, hostility and mayhem.

A free media must therefore have its limits, if it is going to be constructive in Ghana. Even though, the criminal libel law has been repealed the ambience of free expression that has been created must not be exploited to print false articles and publications about politicians and public figures.

In 1973 two prominent American journalists namely, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein exposed a political scandal that came to be known as the Watergate scandal. They successfully exposed campaign malpractices in the Presidential campaign of Richard Nixon resulting in the resignation of the former American President after he had been successfully inaugurated.  The actions of the two journalists significantly changed the political landscape of America and has garnered exemplary behaviour from Presidential aspirants in the US ever since. The landmark case of Watergate therefore, marked a triumph in American political history and showcased the very important role that the media generally plays in democracies.

Prospective journalists training at schools of journalism in Ghana must familiarise themselves with cases such as the Watergate scandal so that they can be conversant with the merits or relevance of political neutralism to a free national media. Outfits such as the National Media Commission (NMC) must ensure that there is integrity among Ghanaian journalists and regulate their activities in such a way that political reportage in the country will be fair, accurate and balanced.

The electronic media therefore has a very important role to play in Ghana’s democracy. If properly practised and executed, the liberalised press can guarantee the freedoms of Ghanaians by ensuring that politicians or elected officials account to the people of Ghana. If the tenets of good governance such as transparency and the implementation of good Human Rights policy are going to be realised the electronic media must be perceived as the fourth and arguably the most important branch of government.

Share
Posted on

Business in Africa: It’s Boom Time if You Can Dance

There is much more happening in Africa than what you see on TV. There is a reason the world’s big businesses are paying closer attention to the continent known for its challenges like poverty, disease, gang rape and high maternal and infant mortality. Some of the portrayals are real.

Last week, former President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo said ‘

“The lack of a dependable electricity supply hampers production, the absence of good roads slows transport, and insufficient access to modern technology limits industrialization and integration into the global marketplace. The resultant inefficiencies make Africa the most difficult and expensive place in which to do business; they also slow economic growth and frustrate general development”

President Obasanjo was 100% right is the statement he made but he was yet very optimistic about the prospects for the continent, a fact that is often clouded by the pessimism. Similarly, Mr. Kofi Annan in a speech delivered at the Exeter College on February 13 portrayed a similar sentiment: hope and excitement in the years ahead for the continent of Africa. Reports from several international bodies and financial institutions point to a continent experiencing an economic boom that is creating numerous opportunities not just for the African people, but for investors and business owners all over the world.

As Kofi Annan pointed out in his speech, the country with the world’s most sustained and strongest economic growth over the last four decades is in Africa; it is Botswana. In fact, the IMF assessment establishes that the African continent will have as many as seven of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world over the next decade.  The McKinsey report estimates that by 2030, the continent’s top 18 cities will have a combined spending power of $1.3 trillion. These are the reasons why multinational corporations can no longer afford to ignore the continent.

I still believe that Africa faces numerous challenges but those who have the eyes to see beyond these challenges are taking the lead and, by the time some of us wake up, the lead may be too big to catch up.

Last week I had conversation with a friend about business opportunities in our home countries. In the 45 minutes discussion I had with the friend, I can recollect that not less than 30 minutes were spent on listing the impossible. We might be right, but that is exactly what entrepreneurship is about. An entrepreneur is “one who undertakes innovations, finance and business acumen, amidst risks and challenges, in an effort to transform innovations into economic goods”.

I would like to end with laudable example of what people like you and I have embarked upon to change their lives and change their societies.  A group of African traditional dancers in Botswana met and decided to form an alliance to preserve and promote the rich and historic culture of Botswana traditional dance and music. The group, MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dancers, has being performing live music shows in the region over the past three years to promote this African cultural heritage. The MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dance group was the typical neighborhood dance group, unknown and not recognized beyond their physical location. But the group’s efforts did not go unnoticed. The Department of Culture and Youth invited them on a trip to Mumbai, India, for a cultural exchange event in 2009. It was then that the youngsters realized how far their talents could take them. Today, the group is hot. The waiting list for appointment is long. To have them say “yes” is a lifelong accomplishment

What is fascinating about the MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dancers is their impetus; it was simply to help their community preserve its cultural and historic heritage.  Money and fame are the bye-products.

Many communities in Sub-Saharan Africa are endowed with functional African music accompanying work, childbirth, marriage, hunting and political activities most of which are normally associated with a particular dance. Similarly, other regions of the African continent have distinct musical and dance traditions that have not yet been exploited economically. MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dancers have shown that these are untapped gold mine in today’s world.

Out of school and thinking of what the government can do? Look at how the MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dancers did it. Opportunites abound in all areas.

If you are an investor seeking to grow your business globally or an ordinary person seeking opportunities, keep Africa on top of mind. It is still early enough to bring your ideas to the table and join the competition.

MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dancers
MatsosaNgwao Tradition Dancers

[ad#Adsense-200by200sq]

Share
Posted on

CREATEing IDEAs for AFRICAn Development

Even though poor leadership is primarily responsible for the slow and epileptic development of the African continent, in my view, another factor responsible for Africa’s marginal position is lack of creativity and idea generation. Economically, African countries are known to be ‘consuming nations’, absorbing products or goods from Asia and the West for local consumption. Products ranging from automobiles, electronics, shoes, beverages and so on are shipped in tons annually to Africa countries. This is the reason the currencies of African nations are at the mercy of their foreign counterparts such as the dollar, the pounds sterling, and the yen. Moreover, developing economies are usually at a disadvantage economically with respect to the balance of trade and payments. Paradoxically, most African countries produce what they do not consume and consume what they do not produce. It is high time Africans and other developing economies learnt to proffer scientific, economic and social solutions to our challenges.

How can you revive the yearning for creativity?

To this end, I would like to share what I feel can spark up a deep yearning for creativity. I would like us to look at what we can learn from the letters in A.F.R.I.C.A, C.R.E.A.T.E and I.D.E.A.

AFRICA: A Land, Full of Resources, Intellectuals, Committers, and Achievers. The African continent is endowed with resources such as oil, gas, minerals; intellectuals such as Kofi Annan, Nelson Mandela, Wole Soyinka; committers as demonstrated recently by the people of Egypt in the ousting of the 30-year dictator Hosni Mubarak ; Achievers such as Barrack Obama, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and so on.

CREATIVITY: Conceive, Reflect, Expound, Articulate Think, In-depth, Visualize, and Establish. Regardless of your particular undertaking, your status in life or age, you must learn to be creative and the way you do this is by conceiving an idea, reflecting on the idea, taking time to expound on the idea, articulate on the idea, think on the idea in-depth, visualize the idea and finally establish the idea.

IDEA: I– in depth Deliberations, Endears and Actions. Ideas have been the basis for many creative writings in the world. Phrases such as ‘Ideas rules the World’ are commonly used by speakers and writers the world over to emphasize the pivotal role of idea generation in the development of an individual and nations.

As stressed earlier, it is important that as a people, we embrace ideas and creativity for the development of our continent. The development of the West and other regions of the world were built on IDEAs and CREATIVITY. A call goes out to African leaders, especially the African Union, to leave up to the expectations of the African people. Around the world, Africans are known to be exceptional people. However, the structures and the enabling environment required for this to thrive at home are hardly in place and this is the reason most African ‘brains’ end up in the Diaspora. The A.U and sub-regional bodies such as ECOWAS, SADC must formulate long-term developmental policies, especially in the areas of science and technology that are necessary for the development of the continent. We can take a clue from what the European Union and the Asian Tigers have been able to achieve in their respective regions. If they can do it, we can also do it with sheer determination and commitment. Similarly, the private sector, the media and NGOs must stand up to play their role. It is our collective responsibility as people to join hands and move the continent to where we would like to see it.

I resent a common school of thought that expects the government to do everything to meet the expectations of the people. It is imperative that we as individuals give serious thought to what we can give back to our nation and continent. Individually, we owe our respective countries our quota towards their development. Developments in the big economies around the world were built on the creativity of their citizens who believed in their countries and invested their ideas and resources in the development of their countries. It is time for all of us to rise up and wholly embrace the concept of IDEAs and CREATIVITY for mutual development. Long live Africa, Long live our Mother Land.
[ad#Adsense-200by200sq] [ad#Adsense-200by200sq]

Share
Posted on

The Future of Africa, Kofi Annan

I am delighted to be here today and for this chance to meet and speak to students, staff and friends of Exeter College. Let me begin by thanking Andrew Hamilton, the Vice-Chancellor of the University, and, Frances Cairncross, Rector of Exeter College, for the warm welcome I have received. It is, of course, a pleasure to be back at Oxford – a university which has produced such important scholarship on the United Nations and on Africa.

I also want to say how honoured I am to have been asked to launch the 700th anniversary celebrations of Exeter College. I notice that this anniversary does not officially take place until 2014, so you have obviously decided to start early! And rightly so. Such a long and distinguished history deserves a long celebration.

Exeter is not just one of the oldest colleges in the university but has a unique spirit, and a proud, outward-looking tradition. You attract the brightest and the best to teach and study, which is why I look forward to the question and answer session with both excitement and trepidation.

Among your alumni is, my fellow countryman John Kufuor who, I am delighted to say, is here today. I know the pride that he takes in having studied at Exeter College. The college will take equal pride in his achievements as President of Ghana, for embedding democracy and advancing economic and social development.

John began his studies here in 1961. Not long before, I had begun my own studies at university in America. What I remember most of that era was that African hopes for self-determination were brimming over. It was a time of great expectations and excitement for young people like ourselves. There was a widespread belief that freedom from our colonial rulers would bring progress and prosperity.

We expected the new African nations would forge their future together. That we would control our natural resources and join the community of nations as equal partners. Sadly, as history has documented, many of our hopes were soon dashed. Newly independent African states struggled to contain the impact of arbitrary borders that split ethnic groups and communities, and fuelled tensions. In many countries, the unifying force of independence movements gave way to one-party states as African governments sought to centralize political and economic power.

The continent became a land of “big men” and the battle-ground for proxy wars of the Cold War. Development stagnated, deadly conflicts raged, the rule of law and human rights were neglected. Half a century ago, Africa stood at a cross-roads. For many reasons, some which have their roots in Africa, others outside, Africa took the wrong path. But today, a new wave of optimism has taken hold.

Africa is once again being seen as a continent of opportunity – the last emerging investment frontier. We see this optimism in the number and diversity of businesses and countries flocking to invest in the continent. It is an optimism based on strong economic growth which even the global financial crisis was only able to reverse briefly. And increasingly, this growth is being used to diversify economies and invest in the bedrock of successful societies – in education, in health and vital infrastructure.

This is not the picture of Africa that is normally painted in the global media. Too often we hear the stereotype of a broken continent, stricken by disease, war and poverty. A stereotype, too, in which problems in one country infect opinions of the continent as a whole. Curiously, the reverse is rarely true.

Very few people could name the country with the world’s most sustained and strongest economic growth over the last four decades. The answer is Botswana, a stable and successful democracy ever since independence in 1964. It underlines why we have to remember that Africa consists of 53 diverse nations – soon to be 54 with the result of the referendum in South Sudan. But even taking into account that countries are progressing at different speeds, Africa’s fortunes have been turning around in the last decade.

Real GDP grew by nearly 5% annually between 2000 and 2008 – twice the level of the previous two decades. According to the African Development Bank, 6 African countries are forecast to enjoy growth this year above seven per cent; 15 countries above five per cent; and 27 countries above three per cent. Direct foreign investment has soared from $9 billion in 2000 to $52 billion in 2011.

This momentum is expected to continue and can be accelerated if we tackle remaining barriers to progress by investing in energy and infrastructure, and strengthening regional integration. Improved regional integration is essential to increase trade within Africa, which stands at just 10% of total trade compared to 67% within the EU.

But even so, the IMF already believes the continent will have as many as seven of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world over the next decade. Even higher growth rates are necessary to lift millions out of poverty and hunger and position Africa as an essential part of the global economic system. Africa’s improved economic performance and prospects have, of course, become the subject of a growing amount of analysis by banks, policy makers and international organizations.

There is debate about the role and impact of painful macroeconomic reforms which were encouraged and, in some cases, forced on African countries by the Bretton Woods institutions. It is now widely acknowledged that these structural adjustment programmes had terrible consequences socially and institutionally.

But the fiscal discipline they put in place helped to cushion African economies against external shocks, encouraged the growth of reserves and well-regulated banking sectors. It is clear, too, that another major reason for increased investment and growth has been Africa’s natural resources and its attractiveness to emerging economies, particularly China.

With at least 10% of the world’s oil and gas reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% of its chromium and platinum, Africa is well placed to continue to benefit from the wealth beneath its surface and the boom in commodity prices.

China’s burgeoning interest in Africa has also had other spillover effects. Asian demand for African commodities improves the terms on which the continent trades. This, in turn, encourages investors from elsewhere to look at Africa with different eyes.

But important as China’s influence has been, recent research has shown that Africa’s economic success is not simply tied to its natural resources, or to one country. Profitable economic partnerships are also being developed with Brazil, Turkey, India, Malaysia, and countries in the Middle East. World class African companies are also making inroads in these markets.

These South-South relationships are providing important opportunities for peer learning on appropriate development strategies to eradicate poverty and address inequality. Last year’s report by McKinsey, aptly named “Lions on the Move”, found that just a third of Africa’s growth up to 2008 was due to its natural resources.

Other sectors such as telecoms, financial services, agribusiness, construction and infrastructure are also thriving, creating both income and jobs. The report found that Africa’s strong growth owes as much, if not more, to increased stability including the end of conflicts; growing investment in human and physical infrastructure; progress in achieving the Millennium Development Goals and reducing the risks and costs of doing business.

Even more encouraging are changes in Africa’s demographics which can help to harness Africa’s potential over the coming decades, if sustained by good public policies. These include a fast growing and young labour force, rapid urbanization and a burgeoning middle-class of consumers.

The diaspora is also playing a positive role, by transferring skills, bringing much needed innovation and entrepreneurship to the continent, and increasing financial flows from remittances. Africa is also benefiting from the spread of mobile phones and ICT. It is helping countries to “leapfrog” over unsustainable forms of production and consumption; and delivering social services in health, education, and weather information.

And perhaps most importantly, the continent has benefited from a new generation of African policy-makers who are managing economies better, paying attention to social development, and building the institutional capacities needed to increase regional trade and economic cooperation. All these are positive factors for the future.

Even one of Africa’s biggest challenges – how to feed its citizens and tackle widespread hunger – can be seen to offer hope if the right policies and investments are put in place. Currently, Africa is the only continent which does not grow enough food to feed its own people. Its farmers have been locked out of the scientific and technological advances which have transformed crop yields across the world.

The result is that hundreds of millions of people go hungry every day. And it is a scandal which climate change is already making more severe. But Africa also contains 60% of the world’s uncultivated arable land. If we can promote a uniquely African green revolution – drawing on the experiences of Asia and Latin America – not only can we meet food shortages within the continent, but provide exports to improve food security across the world.

Ladies and gentlemen, you would be forgiven for thinking that I have become hopelessly optimistic since leaving the United Nations. After all, we have seen false dawns in Africa before. And I would not, in any way, wish to under-estimate the enormous challenges the continent still faces. We have recently seen a reminder of the stubborn political obstacles that can get in the way of progress in the crisis in Cote d’Ivoire. The refusal of incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo to concede defeat in an election that was independently monitored and certified to be fair, risks embroiling the country in a new civil war. Africa – and indeed the world – cannot afford such a development.

Indeed, if there is one area, which above all, will determine the direction of Africa’s future, it is the quality of its governance and leadership. Leadership not just within individual countries in Africa, but regionally, across the continent as a whole. In contrast, lack of good governance and poor leadership is the single biggest obstacle to development. It promotes corruption and increases the likelihood of inequality, instability and conflict.

I believe that Africa’s economic growth could double and make a profound impact on poverty eradication if it can get its politics right: if we can see best practice from within the continent spread across all of it. Ladies and gentlemen, a continent at peace with itself requires more than the absence of war. It requires that we embrace respect for human rights and the rule of law, and transparent, effective and accountable governance.

Important steps towards a more democratic and rules-based political culture have been made since the 1990’s. We have seen more multi-party elections in Africa, greater adherence to democratic principles, and the growth of civil society. And the AU’s Charter on Democracy and Africa Peer Review Mechanism – even though works in progress – are landmark instruments of good governance currently absent from many other developing regions in the world.

However, in many African countries, there remains a profound mismatch between the aspirations
of its people and the caliber and integrity of those leading them. Let me briefly mention two areas where I believe political leadership and good governance will be decisive factors in charting Africa’s future:

First, protecting the integrity of elections, and second, addressing the root causes of conflict through institutional reform. As you may know, no less than 17 African countries are holding elections this year.

Each one has the potential to exacerbate existing tensions within society, or of entrenching more democratic institutions and improved governance in these countries. I have already mentioned the troubled election in Cote d’Ivoire.  If Gbagbo is allowed to prevail, elections as instruments of peaceful change in Africa will suffer a serious setback.

Leaders must understand that they enter elections to win or to lose – that peaceful transition of power is the cornerstone of sustainable democracy and durable peace. The African Union and the international community must do more to protect the integrity of the electoral process. Otherwise election-related violence and conflict will erode much of the progress we have seen on the continent.

Elections must be backed by institutions and laws that uphold the rights of all citizens and create a pluralist society rather than defend ethnicity or special interests. But let me deal with the claim, made by some commentators recently, that it is the power-sharing agreement in Kenya which I helped broker, which has given encouragement to those defeated in elections to cling onto power.

Unlike elections in Cote d’Ivoire and Zimbabwe, there was no clear winner in the 2007 elections in Kenya. The scale of violence that ensued in Kenya was catastrophic. Hundreds were killed, injured and raped; thousands fled their homes and the country was burning. The political settlement ended the terrible violence which flared up as a result of the disputed election itself.

The resulting national accord not only led to the first coalition government in Africa, but it also committed Kenyans and their leaders to undertake a profound agenda of institutional reform, to tackle impunity, and promote national reconciliation and cohesion.

One of the tangible results has been a new Constitution and a Bill of Rights which should be a source of pride for all Kenyans, and inspire forward-looking constitutional development across the region. We now need to see real courage and commitment to ensure that the rest of the reform agenda is implemented. It has not been an easy journey. But I hope, as most Kenyans do, that full implementation of the new Constitution will help to tackle the root causes of conflict and prevent such a crisis from erupting again.

It will also demonstrate that concerted action to address national identity and citizenship issues, to reform land tenure, to bring government closer to the people through devolution, and making sure that women have a strong voice in their societies, are key to building strong and cohesive societies.

Ladies and gentlemen, what Africa needs to do now is to keep building on the progress that has been achieved so far. This requires a comprehensive strategy for the future – one that gives equal weight and attention to security, development, rule of law and human rights. They cannot be separated. They all reinforce each other and they all depend on each other.

The international community must support African efforts to reform and provide the resources to help build government capacity and capability. But good governance in Africa must be complemented by fair rules and good governance at the global level.  Africa can no longer be a by-stander as decisions are made about its future, whether it’s to do with the global trade regime, regulating international finance or tackling climate change.
And African countries should have fair representation on the decision-making bodies of inter-governmental organizations, such as the Security Council and the G20.

Finally, let me say a few words about the events in North Africa which I believe have broader lessons for authoritarian regimes everywhere. These popular uprisings show that the democratic aspirations of people cannot be contained and that human rights are not a luxury, let alone a plot from outside. Wherever people live, they want their voice to be heard, their rights respected, and to have a say in how they are governed. They yearn for decent jobs, opportunity and a secure future for their children. They believe that the rule of law must apply to everyone, no matter how powerful.

The demand for more inclusive, more accountable and more responsive Governments is, I believe, unstoppable. It’s a voice coming from right across the population but most strongly from the younger generation. It is this generation – their dynamism, their determination and ambitions – which is, I believe, the major reason for confidence in Africa. It is also the generation which is all around us today.

It may be, of course, that the issues I raised today can seem a long way from your lives here in Oxford. But remember that you are the first generation who can call yourselves citizens of the world. Wherever you come from, whatever you are studying, you have to think beyond your borders. It is how you respond to the inter-linked challenges in front of us that will decide the future direction of your world. It is your world now.  It is a big responsibility. You must have the courage to change it for the better.

I, for one, have confidence that you are up to the task. Thank you

Excerpts of a Lecture delivered by former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan at the Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford, for Exeter College on February 13, 2011 Courtesy: Kofi Annan Foundation Published at TalkAfrique.com on 22.02.2011. Courtesy Tunde Oseni, Exeter University, United Kingdom

[ad#Adsense-200by200sq]

Share