SELF PERPETRATION IN POWER BY AFRICAN LEADERS: LESSONS FROM EGYPT

By Abiodun Fatai

Why are African leaders fond of perpetrating themselves in power?  This has been the case with the late Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire, Mohammad Gaddafi of Libya, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Paul Biya of Cameroon, Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, former Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria, Omar Bongo of Gabon and Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast, among others. It is simplistic to answer that they are so endeared to the benefits of power and are always unwilling to vacate power when there is need for them to do so. African leaders have been in the habit of designing series of Maradonic and Machiavellian strategies for self perpetuation in power. Yet, it is true that they often forget that power is the only a matrix which has in itself potential for destruction. It is only in Africa that I have seen leaders dying in power or been disgraced from power, after they have refused to heed to simple voice of reason. They just love power. The experience in Europe and other developed societies really shown the willingness of leaders to vacate power when the ovation is loudest. Even at a slightest public disapproval, they show that power is not their personal property. This is not so in Africa; African leaders cherish power and see it as a private property.

The recent events and revolution in Egypt that eventually led to the forcing out of Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian President, after turbulent 18 days agitation and protest shows the sheer desperation of African leaders to sit-tight in power without heeding to the voice their people. A similar revolt had earlier taken place in Tunisia where President Zine El Abidine Ben Alli was ousted from power. This sheer desperation is only shrouded in the barefaced arrogance and insensitivity which some African leaders have continued to display against their people. Mubarak’s insistence further make the country ungovernable for 18 days with economic, political and social institutions completely suspended. The simple truism is that the period of the protest has no doubt fostered untold hardship on the Egyptians, which they are not likely to regain in due course.

In a similar manner, the former dictators such as General Sani Abacha of Nigeria, Mohammed Ghaddafi of Libya, Late President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, and Paul Biya of Cameroon, among others, showed lack of concern and desperation to continue to rule through autocratic disposition with little regard for thier people. The conviction and commitment of the Egyptians over the 18 days of protest depict their resolve to be free from autocratic rule and crass disregard for the plight of humanity. Professor Ben Nwabueze was more poignant when he claimed that “which is driven by the people and their faith in human freedoms? There is no universally prescribed method of revolution, but where the quality of human life is trampled upon and the people’s rights are routinely abused, the people as a collective have a duty to stand up and declaim: “Never again!”

The Egyptians resolve was therefore not unfounded because it was as the result of many years of suppression, brutality, and denial of right and alienation. In spite of what Dr Reuben Abati called the myth,  for example, that religion is a binding factor that makes the Middle Eastern population easier to control and dominate, Egyptians have defied this odd by choosing to fight for their freedom from the manacles and shackles of oppression. The aftermath of the revolution has dubbed it a historic change and has been welcomed from across the world. The EU, US, Germany and UK have all reacted positively  claiming the resolve of the Egyptians have been justified and that it is an historic change capable of catapulting the country  from authoritarian regime to civilian and democratic order.

What lessons are there to be learnt from the revolt in Egypt? What happened in Egypt is a clear lesson to the West, especially United States. It also sounds a clear but unequivocal warning to sit-tight African leaders that their days are numbered. As for the West, it is a lesson that they have to grind their teeth because the Egyptian revolution has caught them in the dilemma of their own logic. When you implicitly support autocratic government for the clear reason of protecting your interest at the behest of the people sovereign in their country, then what you gain is the Egyptian revolution. The west must urgently rethink and learn the lesson. As for the sit-tight African leaders, although it is not clear whether other Africans like the Egyptians have the orientation and the consciousness displayed by the Egyptians in the Egyptian revolution, the truth however is that it is unpredictable when a revolution would be ripe like this. Nevertheless, if the Northern African people most of whom have been dominated and controlled with religion can stage such protest to oust their President, then what happened in Egypt is capable of happening elsewhere. There is certainly a limit to how long the people can be oppressed. The scenario in Egypt and Tunisia therefore serves a serious warning for sit-tight leaders and perpetrators in power.

Abiodun Fatai is a Lecturer in Political Science at the Lagos State University, and a PhD Candidate at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria

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MUBARAK’S RESIGNATION: A LESSON FOR SIT-TIGHT AFRICAN LEADERS

African dictators
African dictators
Godfrey Eloho

History has been made today after a protracted peaceful protest by the Egyptians that saw their  despotic self-styled maximum ruler  of 30 years, handed power over to the military, an institution he has used over these  years to protect his stay. That feat was a fall-out of the scenario that played itself out in Tunisia weeks back. It is a further confirmation of the fact the people decide who rules them.

For too long African leaders are typified for their stay-put attitude in power. Once they come to power, they turn themselves into civilian presidents through manipulated elections and continue to renew their tenures of office with landslide victory election after election.  Mubarak is not a child of circumstance; what happened to him today that witnessed his fall from glory to grass is a seed his had sown long before today. His firm grip on the North African Red Sea nation since the 1981 when Aswar Sadat was assassinated has brought more and more hardship on the people of Egypt than socio-political and economic benefits.

He turned the government to personal fiefdom where he nursed the plan of presenting his son as a presidential aspirant in the next general elections. It was not known till today if he would have run again for the highest office he had monopolized in the last three decades. Unlike the proverbial cat, he never has nine lives that could take him to next tenure he had envisioned. The people decided today that he must bow to the popular will, a process that began young people embarked on self-immolation in the face of hardship, abject poverty in the midst of plenty, high unemployment and high inflation rates in the country. The popular Tahir Square was the main stage for the over two weeks protest.

To Africa leaders, the fall of Ali-Ben Bongo of Tunisia weeks ago, and that of the former Egyptian strongman Mubarak should serve as a warning sign that it is not business as usual. In specific terms the other so-called ‘strongmen’ like Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, M. Gaddafi of Libya and recently Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast should know that the coast is not clear for their sit-tight attitude.  My. Gbagbo has held on to power for about a decade and refused to relinquish power to the rightful winner of the presidential election despite international pressure. They should note it down in their dairy today that the era of complacency on the part of the ordinary people is over. The African people can now assert their right and at any time, they will decide who govern them.

Godfrey Eloho is Public Affairs Analyst based in Port Harcourt, Nigeria[ad#Adsense-200by200sq]

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Gbagbo Adviser: AU Investigation of Ivorian Crisis Welcomed

Peter Clottey, VOA

A special adviser to embattled Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo said the arrival of African Union (AU) experts to investigate and find ways to resolve the crisis shows, in his words, an indictment and failure of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to end the political impasse.

Ambassador Yao Gnamien, who is in New York to seek support for his administration, told VOA Mr. Gbagbo is gaining support among African leaders about finding solutions to the Ivorian crisis.

“The presence of the AU experts is very important for our country because, at the beginning, President Gbagbo was calling for this investigation, because the so-called international community sanctioned President Gbagbo without proving that he is guilty,” said Gnamien.

“The stay in Cote d’Ivoire of the (AU) experts will tell all the world what was going on in Cote d’Ivoire after the (November) election, and then we will see whether the president was guilty or not.”

His comments came after James Victor Gbeho, president of the ECOWAS commission, said South Africa is undermining efforts to resolve the Ivory Coast political crisis. Mr. Gbeho criticized South Africa’s decision to deploy a Navy frigate to Ivory Coast. He said such actions “can only complicate” the situation.

But, South African officials say the frigate is a support vessel with no military purpose, which could be used as a neutral site for negotiating.
South Africa is part of an AU mediation team given the task of resolving the Ivorian political impasse.

Gbeho accused South Africa of pushing the two sides to negotiate a solution because of its own interests instead of demanding that Mr. Gbagbo cede power.

President Gbagbo is refusing to cede power to rival, President-elect Alassane Ouattara, who most countries recognize as the winner of the November presidential election.

Gnamien said that the outcome of the investigation has to conform to the Ivorian constitution, which he said is the “supreme law of the land.”

“If the AU came to Cote d’Ivoire, it was because of the failure of the ECOWAS. ECOWAS failed to solve the problem. How can they sanction President Gbagbo without listening to him? They were accusing President Gbagbo because they were thinking that President Gbagbo has not been elected,” said Gnamien.

“Instead of saying that, they (ECOWAS) should have investigated first and, after the investigation, then they can make a sound decision. They didn’t do this. And what is now clear is that none of them has sent a message of congratulations to Prime Minister Ouattara.”

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ECOWAS to Meet Obama and UN Chief on Ivory Coast Crisis

A Nigerian foreign minister has said that An ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) delegation will meet U.S. President Barack Obama and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon this week to discuss the Ivory Coast crisis.

“The delegation is led by President (Ernest Bai) Koroma of Sierra Leone and comprises the president of the ECOWAS Commission, James Victor Gbeho, myself and our ambassador in Washington,” Odein Ajumogobia told Reuters on Tuesday.

The ECOWAS delegation is set to meet Obama in Washington on Wednesday before heading to the United Nations in New York to meet Ban and Security Council members on Thursday.

The incumbent president, Laurent Gbagbo, is locked in a power struggle with rival Alassane Ouattara, who was declared winner of a November 28 election by United Nations-certified results before they were overturned by a pro-Gbagbo legal body, which alleged fraud.

ECOWAS has threatened to use force to remove Gbagbo.

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The Ivory Coast Crisis and African Leaders, Botswana’s Ian Kharma Stands Out

While several African Presidents have failed in displaying any leadership with regard to the Ivorian crisis, the President of Botswana, Ian Khrma, is telling the world that he is not one of them. Mr Khama has publicly denounced the Ivorian dictator and is extending an invitation to the opposition candidate to visit Botswana. Will Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa and the rest follow suite? Read on.

Botswana moves to further isolate Gbagbo

Prince Ofori-Atta

Botswana President Ian Khama
Botswana President Ian Khama

Arrangements are underway for President Alassane Ouattarra’s first official visit outside his country since he was recognized by the international community as winner of the contested November 28 Ivory Coast presidential elections. President Ian Khama, who sent the first official invitation to Mr. Ouattarra, is a strong critic of what he terms as “hijacking” of political power.

Shortly after the African Union announced that mediation talks had failed despite “prolonged discussions” to resolve the political crisis that has gripped the Ivory Coast, President Ian Khama of Botswana has extended a formal invitation to President Alassane Ouattarra to visit his country in recognition of his victory of the Presidential Elections”.

Early December, Mr. Ian Khama had regretted the Ivorian crisis saying “one would have hoped that by now we would have gone past those days (of) coups and ridiculous situations like we have now in the Ivory Coast where two people have been sworn in as president.”

Mr. Khama’s declaration adds to a chorus of regional, continental and international condemnation over President Laurent Gbagbo’s refusal to step down despite manifold efforts to get him to relinquish power, including an African Union (AU) mediation effort to negotiate a unity government as was the case in Kenya and Zimbabwe after election results were disputed.

But Mr. Khama has been vociferous in his criticism of “power-sharing” which according to him “is wrong”.

“The last thing we want is tomorrow we’d wake up and be told that there is some kind of power-sharing agreement between the two parties. It happened in Kenya because the elections there were also hijacked. It happened in Zimbabwe; the elections there were hijacked by the ruling party. And if that is going to happen anytime someone wants to dispute an election result, and may stay in power by default through a mechanism of power-sharing, it is wrong,” he said in a radio interview that was broadcast on BBC.

“The government of Botswana is deeply concerned about African leaders who reject elections results that are not in their favor (…) Such actions not only deny people the right to have leaders of their choice, but also thwart efforts to maintain peace and security on the African continent,” A statement from the Botswana Foreign Ministry read.

Analysts believe that the invitation from President Ian Khama, a fervent critic of Mugabe, could boost an already strong international and African support for Alassane Ouattarra and encourage further isolation of Laurent Gbagbo.

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Ivory Coast: Five Die in Political Clashes

Clashes in Ivory Coast’s commercial capital on Tuesday killed at least five people during the political impasse about who will lead the country.

Witnesses say violence broke out in the city of Abidjan between security forces loyal to incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo and supporters of Alassane Ouattara, the internationally recognized winner of a presidential poll in November.

The clashes took place in a pro-Ouattara neighborhood called Abobo, where a militant youth group that backs the incumbent president had planned to meet on Tuesday.

Mr. Gbagbo, who continues to control the military, refuses to give up power despite intense international pressure to do so.

Mr. Ouattara remains holed up in an Abidjan hotel protected by U.N. peacekeepers.

Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga is expected to return to Ivory Coast this week in an effort to mediate an end to the impasse. Mr. Odinga serves as the African Union’s mediator in the country.

Separately, the U.N. refugee agency says 25,000 Ivorians have fled to Liberia because they fear the political crisis will lead to widespread violence.

(VOA)

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Chinua Achebe and Why Things are in Free Fall in Africa

(Only Part of Prof. Mariam Article is published here due to space restriction)
Prof Alemayehu Mariam
Prof Alemayehu Mariam

Ivory Coast, December 2010 — Laurent Gbagbo says he won the presidential election. The Independent Ivorian Election Commission (CEI) said former prime minister Alassane Ouattara is the winner by a nine-point margin. The African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the United Nations, the United States, the European Union all say Ouattara is the winner. Gbagbo is only the latest African dictator to steal an election in broad daylight, flip his middle finger at his people, thumb his nose at the international community and cling to power like a barnacle to a sunken ship.

Ethiopia, May 2010. Meles Zenawi said he won the parliamentary election by 99.6 percent. The European Union Election Observer Team said the election “lacked a level playing field” and “failed to meet international standards”. Translation from diplomatic language: The election was stolen. Ditto for the May 2005 elections.

The Sudan, April 2010. Omar al-Bashir claimed victory by winning nearly 70 percent of the vote. The EU EOM declared the “deficiencies in the legal and electoral framework in the campaign environment led the overall process to fall short of a number of international standards for genuine democratic elections.” Translation: al-Bashir stole the election.

Niger, February 2010. Calling itself the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD), a group of army officers stormed Niger’s presidential palace and snatched president Mamadou Tandja and his ministers. In 2009, Tandja had dissolved the National Assembly and set up a “Constitutional Court” to pave the way for him to become president-for-life. Presidential elections are scheduled for early January, 2011.

Zimbabwe, March 2008. In the first round of votes, Morgan Tsvangirai won 48 percent of the vote to Mugabe’s 43 percent. Tsvangirai withdrew from the runoff in June after Mugabe cracked down on Tsvangirai’s supporters. Mugabe declared victory. The African Union called for a “government of national unity”. Former South African President Thabo Mbeki mediated and Tsvangirai agreed to serve as prime minister. A stolen election made to look like a not-stolen-election.

Kenya, December 2007. Mwai Kibaki declared himself winner of the presidential election. After 1500 Kenyans were killed in post-election violence and some six hundred thousand displaced, intense international pressure was applied on Kibaki, who agreed to have Raila Odinga serve as prime minster in a coalition government. Another stolen election in Africa.

Massive election fraud, voting irregularities, vote buying, voter and opposition party intimidation, bogus voter registration, rigged polling stations, corrupt election commissioners and so on were common elsewhere in Africa including Rwanda, Uganda, Nigeria and Egypt. In 2011, “elections” will be held in Chad, the Central African Republic, Malagasy, Uganda, Zambia, Nigeria and other countries. Will there be more stolen elections? One thing is for sure: In January, the Southern Sudanese independence referendum will be held with little doubt about its outcome.

Chinua Achebe and Why Things are in Free Fall in Africa

In Things Fall Apart (1959), the great African novelist Chinua Achebe tells the story of the initial encounters in the 1890s between Ibo villagers in Nigeria and white European missionaries and colonial officials. That was the time when things really began to “fall apart” in Africa. The white man “put a knife on the things that held us together and we have fallen apart.” But his depiction could apply to the “falling apart” of many other African societies as a result of contact with colonialism and Christianity. But over the last one-half century, colonialism has become extinct and the white man has “left” Africa. The African leaders who replaced the colonial masters have not hearkened back to pre-colonial Africa and used traditional values and methods to hold the center and keep things from falling apart. Rather, they have followed in the colonial footsteps and lorded over vampiric states which have attenuated and frayed the fabric of the post-independent African societies to ensure their hold on power.

Robert Guest, Africa editor for The Economist, in his book The Shackled Continent (2004), argues that “Africa is the only continent to have grown poorer over the last three decades” while other developing countries and regions have grown. Africa was better off at the end of colonialism than it is today. According to the U.N., life expectancy in Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Sierra Leone, Zambia, Mozambique and Swaziland for the period 2005-2010 is less than 44 years, the worst in the world. The average annual income in Zimbabwe at independence in 1980 was USD $950. In 2009, 100 trillion Zimbabwean dollars (with a “T”) was worth about USD $300. In the same year, a loaf of bread in Zimbabwe cost 300 billion Zimbabwean dollars (with a “B”). The tens of billions in foreign aid money has done very little to improve the lives of Africans. The reason for things falling apart in Africa is statism (the state as the principal change agent) and central planning, according to Guest. The bottom line is that the masses of Africans today are denied basic political and economic freedoms while the privileged few live the sweet life of luxury, not entirely unlike the “good old” colonial times.

Guest concludes that “Africans are poor because they are poorly governed.” The answer to Africa’s problems lies in upholding the rule of law, enforcing contracts, safeguarding property rights and putting more stock in freedom than in force. Much of Africa today is under the control of “Vampire states”. As the noted African economist George Ayittey explains, the “vampire African states” are “governments which have been hijacked by a phalanx of bandits and crooks who would use the instruments of the state machinery to enrich themselves and their cronies and their tribesmen and exclude everybody else.” (“Hyena States” would be a fitting alternative in the African landscape.) Africa is ruled by thugs in designer suits who buy votes and loyalties with cash handouts.

Things have fallen apart in Africa for a long time because of colonialism, capitalism, socialism, Marxism, communism, tribalism, ethnic chauvinism… neoliberalism, globalism and what have you. Things are in total free fall in Africa today because Africa has become a collection of vampiric states ruled by kleptocrats who have sucked it dry of its natural and human resources. It is easy to blame the white man and his colonialism, capitalism and all the other “isms” for Africa’s ailments, but as Cassius said to Brutus in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar: “The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves.” The fault is not in the African people, the African landscape or skyscape. Africa is rich and blessed with natural and human resources. The fault is in the African brutes and their vampiric regimes.

Achebe took the title for his book Things Fall Apart from William Butler Yeats’s classic poem, which in partial rendition reads:

Things fall apart; the center cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, (substitute Africa)
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.

For what it is worth, my humble view is that the African center cannot hold and things always fall apart because the best and the brightest of Africans lack all conviction to do what is right, while the worst are full of passionate intensity to divide the people ethnically, tribally, racially, ideologically, religiously, regionally, geographically, linguistically, culturally, economically, socially, constitutionally, systematically… and rule them with an iron fist. “Ces’t la vie en Afrique!” as the French might say; but to gainsay Jacques Chirac, “Africa is ready for democracy!” (L’Afrique est prêt pour la démocratie!).

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The role of tradition in African democracy

“Democracy works only when it has evolved within a specific socio-cultural environment and fused into the traditional political systems such that it is seen as an indigenous product, but unfortunately Africa has not been given the opportunity to develop this.”

Comments from the former President of the Republic of Ghana, His Excellency Jerry John Rawlings, seek to treat democracy as a political system that ought to function on the basis of cultural relativism. The idea of allowing local values, traditions and cultural habits to factor in our democracy has been touted by leading academics and scholars as well. The argument is that democracy as it is practised in Africa is a wholesale adoption of a Western political practice. As such it might prove to be incongruous to Africa’s traditional ways.

What are some of these traditional ways? One might ask. For one thing traditional African societies have generally been communal. The notion of placing emphasis on the group is in essence at variance with a political practice that empowers the individual (one man, one vote) to partake in the process of societal governance. Civil and Political Rights by definition puts the interest of the citizen above the society and endeavors to liberate the individual from social shackles that may impede individual freedom.

The traditional African society however, sometimes suppresses individual rights for the sake of the rights of a group. The minor is expected to shelve personal views in the presence of elders. This practice is carried into boardrooms and the political arena as well. So a full or proper implementation of the tenets of Western democracy in Africa is at times curtailed by some of these factors indigenous to the African way of doing things.

Even advanced democracies on the continent such as Ghana are still having difficulties fully adapting to western political practices. Freedom of expression is still somewhat elusive in Ghana due to the fear of victimization or societal alienation. The generational gap between the young and the old means that, the youth are still struggling to make an impact on the society and continue to fight for acknowledgment that will enable them to partake properly in the process of policy formulation. Even in corporate settings views espoused by relatively younger workers are dismissed for viewpoints that are deemed to be more elderly. What this invariably means is that African societies continue to be excessively conservative and tend to be parochial in terms of outlook and ideas.

Needless to say that, such a paradigm of Africa is strongly endorsed by ultra conservative reactionaries who are in the habit of referring to the superiority of ancient ways. Dr Kwame Nkrumah’s vision for Africa is often cited as a continental ideal seeking to form a United States of Africa. In Ghana it is a sacrilege to criticize or dismiss views that seek inspiration from this wise statesman. African societies are therefore slow to change and the proclivity to embrace cultural liberalism is condemned and seen as a perversion of local values.

Hence the tendency to believe that even democracies must have a local flavor, otherwise they are doomed to fail on the continent. The problem with traditionalists and the conservative mindset in general is that, human institutions tend to be organic and dynamic and what this basically means is that they evolve with time to reflect the changing nature of people and the societies they live in. Failure to incorporate these changes into social ordinances and political practice can prove to be a great disservice to the people that these ordinances are expected to serve.

An evolving Africa means that, traditional practices and beliefs are becoming increasingly archaic and anachronistic. Holding on to them is tantamount to being stagnant and refusing to adapt to global innovations that are advancing other societies unlike our own.

Democracies are already indigenous to human beings and need no local flavor to thrive successfully in any cultural setting. If democracies in Africa are so far failing to enrich states on the continent as expected, this may be due to repeated and consistent failures on the part of African politicians whose tendencies to be dictatorial remain strong even when they are expected to function in democratic political settings.

Rather than, infusing African democracies with traditional political practice, the continent must endeavor to introduce systemic innovations to democratic practice by limiting the power of politicians and increasing the power of citizens. A leading democracy on the continent like Ghana still needs to incorporate fresh ideas into its democratic methods by edifying the electoral process especially.

Entrepreneurs and businessmen continue to have a foothold in party politics. This unfortunate political norm must be curtailed with the introduction of caps and restrictions on political campaign contributions to ensure that political parties are not manipulated by financiers and sponsors. The power of the executive branch ought to be limited as well by adopting a style similar to the Westminster system in England where the Prime Minister is expected to account to legislators and explain his actions to the parliament.

When some of these Western democratic practices are introduced to African democracies, the political system will surely have the desired effect of enriching the continent by fully liberating its people. As long as traditional practice plays a role in governance, the tendency or rather the risk of going back to political dictatorship under the guise of cultural relativism remains. If democracies are so far failing in Africa it could be due to their poor implementation by politicians who still enjoy the cover offered by traditional practices that permit political autocracy as a method of governance.

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