Shamefully misplaced priorities

Homophobia kills

TalkAfrique’s mission is to predominantly cover great stories that you never hear about the African continent and people. We will try as much as possible to let the good stories dominate our posts. It will be difficult and irresponsible, however, to keep quiet over certain developments.
I read today that Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga has ordered a nationwide crackdown on homosexuals in Kenya.

Mr. Odinga ordered the police to arrest anyone found engaging in such behaviors and take appropriate legal action against them. The Prime Minister cited the recent population census results which put the ratio of men to women equal and wondered why people should engage in homosexuality.

I will not use this blog to defend or attack any lifestyle at home or abroad. My thought about this is a matter between myself and my pastors.

I rather find it uncanny and irresponsible that a prime minister of a country in a public meeting will call upon the police funded by tax payers to arm themselves to crackdown on a group of people.
Surprising, Mr. Odinga describes himself as a ‘Progressive’ politician, whatever that means. What a farce.

There are many deep issues in Kenya that need to be addressed. Poverty and diseases afflict infants and mothers. Rather than use the pulpit that is graciously offered him to motivate and encourage his countrymen and women to move the nation forward, Odinga rather decided to use the opportunity to promote hatred and violence.

If the Kenyan police have any unexploited logistics, perhaps they could employ them to arrest drag traffickers, corrupt politician and land grabbers who are terrorizing peaceful men and women in Kenya.

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Embracing The African In African-American

by Malik Washington

Students at King David School in Teshie, Accra, Ghana perform a dance to welcome Malik Washington and others visiting from the United States"I’m not Black or American, I’m an African."These were the words I proudly uttered, as a young adolescent sitting in the kitchen of our home. The response however, wasn’t quite what I expected.

"You know, there are a lot of Africans who would resent you saying that," my mother replied.

The Africans she was referring to, of course, were those born on the continent. But what I would come to realize, is that she wasn’t so much discouraging me from defining myself as an African as much as she was challenging me to examine what made me African.

Fast-forward to a few days ago.
"Are you black Americans or white Americans?"
That was the question put to me and other African-Americans, in a junior high classroom in Accra, Ghana.

For some of the visitors, it was utterly offensive. For others, it was simply shocking. How could we, black people, be confused for white?

For me, it was utterly simple.

The question came as no surprise since so many African-Americans don’t see themselves as African. That, by default, just leaves them identified as just “American”. The very term “American”, after all, implies “white”. Everybody else gets a hyphen.

Many African-Americans, in fact, don’t know what to think of themselves.

African? American? Both? Or neither? “Black” seems to be an accepted hybrid term that falls short of claiming either entity yet still denotes exceptionalism in this society.

Nonetheless, this ambiguity isn’t entirely neutral, as black people generally seem prone to distance themselves more from Africa, than America – either consciously or sub-consciously.

Every individual should seek to define his- or herself in a way that suits them. That’s what makes you, you.

Sure, giving our children traditional African names or occasionally dressing in kente cloth or standing for the Black National Anthem is fun, but actually embracing Africa is another story.

For black people in America, there is nothing that keeps us from embracing the African continent. There is, however, a chain that binds us to Europe and Western standards, that causes us to view Africa as the “other” rather than the “origin” that it is, not just for black people in the US, but for the entire World.

Like anything else, the way we define ourselves isn’t all that black-and-white (no pun intended). But we must take a serious look at how we, as African-Americans, view Africa.

African-Americans that look down on Africa, look down on themselves.

Writer Malik Washington is a graduating senior at Howard University and is author of the blog Normative Chaos.

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Swelling Cities

Nairobi, Kenya

The number of people living in African cities will triple over the next 40 years and by 2050 60% of Africans will be city dwellers, a UN report has said.

In five years Lagos in Nigeria is set to overtake the Egyptian capital Cairo as Africa’s biggest city.

Some 199.5 million people in sub-Saharan Africa live in slums, the highest number in the world, the UN said earlier this year.

According to UN-Habitat’s State of African Cities 2010 report, urbanisation is happening faster in Africa than anywhere else in the world.

By 2030 the continent will no longer be predominately rural, it says.

Mr Clos, UN-Habitat’s executive director, said that cities were attractive places for those wanting to relocate.

In 2015 it is estimated Lagos will have 12.4 million inhabitants.

The UN also forecasts that the population of Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, will increase by 46% over the next 10 years to become the fast-growing city.

By 2050, Africa’s population is expected to reach 1.23 billion.

The report warns that climate change is causing a serious problem for some cities.

With many of Africa’s cities built by the sea, millions of people risk losing their homes in the coming decades because of coastal flooding.

It says the West African coastline is retreating by between 20m and 30m every year.

African Cities key facts (UN-Habitat)
  • Lagos to be Africa’s largest city in 2015 with 12.4 million inhabitants
  • Kinshasa to overtake as biggest city in 2020
  • Ouagadougou’s population is set grow by 81%, from 1.9 million in 2010 to 3.4 million in 2020
  • Africa’s population will be 1.23 billion by 2050
  • 60% of all Africans will be living in cities in 2050
  • Slum dwellers in Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia fell from 20.8 million in 1990 to 11.8 million in 2010
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Journey to Canada, a Refugee’s Story

 Twenty-three years ago, Madut Majok arrived in a refugee camp in Ethiopia, where his life consisted of guarded compounds and food rations. Today, he is a Canadian citizen, university graduate and civil servant.

He relishes the opportunities he has earned in his adopted country and feels that he has integrated into Canadian society. However, one minor detail still puzzles him. With a smile, he says “I still do not understand the level of politeness here—if I am at the mall and I step on someone’s toes, they say sorry instead of me saying that…and that always takes me off guard.” Social intricacies aside, the future is wide open for Madut—a future that seemed impossible only a few years ago.

 

Born in 1978 in rural South Sudan, Madut had a childhood plagued by violence and war.  By 1983, the second Sudanese civil war had broken out and many villages were burned down, crops destroyed and cattle killed. Thousands of villagers from Madut’s town were forced to flee when the attacks intensified in 1987.

 

His family chose to seek protection within Sudan in the garrison town of Wau. In the ensuing chaos, eight‑year‑old Madut became separated from them and had to join a small group of villagers on the dangerous two month trek to Ethiopia. 

He arrived at a United Nations refugee camp, located near the border, very ill from infected wounds sustained along the way. After a three-month recovery, Madut was transferred to another camp specifically for children and unaccompanied minors, where he stayed until 1991.

 

When war broke out in Ethiopia, those in the refugee camps were told that they were no longer safe. Madut had to flee again—a journey that took him to Pochalla, a town near the Sudan-Ethiopia border. He spent nine months there before embarking on another journey that finally brought him to Kakuma Refugee Camp in Kenya in 1992, where he spent his next 10 years.

 

“Conditions at the camps were difficult at times,” says Madhut. Food was distributed every two weeks but lasted only eight days; many would go for days without getting enough water to cater for essential needs. 
School, set up in the camp, saved him. “Had I not gone to school in the camp,” says Madut, “I never would have competed in the Student Refugee Program.”

Madut focused on his studies, knowing that education could be a way out of the refugee camp. He applied to the Student Refugee Program run by World University Service of Canada in 2001 and was selected to attend Dalhousie University. 

In 2006, after four years in Canada, he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in International Development Studies and Political Science. That same year, he became a Canadian citizen.  Today, Madut is studying for his Master’s degree while working for the Foreign Credential Referral Office at Citizenship and Immigration Canada. 

“After living on handouts, the ability to provide for yourself and the freedom to determine your own future is the first goal,” he says. As for his future, Madut says he has many goals. “Now that I have a job, I want to raise a family…and progress in my career. I would say that I am very lucky.”
“You need strong mentorship—people who believe in your ability and, at the same time, who realize that you are learning how your potential can be developed. Canada has given me this.”
 
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Late, but not too late, for Sudan

John Prendergast & George Clooney

George Clooney and John Prendergast

George Clooney is an actor and co-founder of the NGO Not On Our Watch. John Prendergast is co-founder of the Enough Project and co-author of The Enough Moment: The Fight to End Human Rights Crimes in Africa

Well, we’re in it now. What we do best. Diplomacy. The White House has dispatched Senator John Kerry to Sudan with a proposal for peace between the North and South. It’s a giant step toward avoiding the kind of bloodshed that killed more than two million people in Sudan’s previous 20-year North-South civil war, which ended only in 2005 — and is threatening to erupt once again.

In recent months, President Barack Obama has stepped up his own involvement and that of senior figures in his administration in support of a peace strategy for Sudan. On his behalf, Kerry has delivered a package of proposals designed to break the logjam that has brought the North and South to a dangerous crossroads.
We have written a memo that spells out some of the essential elements of what a grand bargain for peace in Sudan could look like. If you’re interested in the specifics of a possible peace deal — and in actions that you can take to support it — go to SudanActionNow.org.
There is little time to waste. On January 9, 2011, the people of Southern Sudan will vote for independence from the North, taking with them up to three-quarters of the country’s known oil reserves and placing millions of civilians in the direct path of war.
The government in Khartoum (the capital in the North) is led by Omar al-Bashir, whose accomplishments, which include overseeing war crimes during the previous North-South war and engineering the atrocities in Darfur, have brought him arrest warrants for war crimes and genocide from the International Criminal Court.
And yet renewed war in Sudan is not inevitable. A complex but workable peace can be brokered if all interested parties become more deeply involved. The current moment requires robust diplomacy — the kind that can leave a bad taste in your mouth, but that gets the job done. We believe that Kerry is a skilled emissary and can help the parties find the compromises necessary for peace.
Any agreement preventing a return to war would necessarily involve the National Congress Party, representing the North, and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, representing the South. But it would also involve the United States, whose post-referendum relationship with the two parties will have enormous influence over whether a deal gets done.
We believe that a grand bargain to lay the foundation for lasting peace between the North and South would oblige the parties to:
  • Hold the Southern Sudan referendum on time and fully respect and implement the results;
  • Reach a mutually satisfactory agreement concerning the territory of Abyei, a key disputed border area;
  • Craft a multi-year revenue-sharing arrangement in which the oil wealth of Abyei and key border areas could be divided equitably between the North and South, with a small percentage going to the Arab Misseriya border populations for development purposes;
  • Demarcate the uncontested 80% of the border and refer the remaining 20% to binding international arbitration;
  • Create serious protections for minority groups, with consideration of joint citizenship for certain populations, backed by significant international consequences for attacks on southerners in the North or northerners in the South.

The US role as the invisible third party to the agreement involves a series of incentives offered to the regime in Khartoum to ensure agreement and implementation of a peace deal. In exchange for action on the North-South and Darfur peace efforts, the US would implement a clear, sequenced, and binding path to normalization of relations.
This would involve — in order — removal of Sudan from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list, exchange of ambassadors, lifting of unilateral sanctions, and support for bilateral and multilateral debt relief, together with other economic measures by international financial institutions. Conversely, the US must be prepared to lead international efforts to impose severe consequences on any party that plunges the country back into war.
Peace and security in Darfur should be an essential benchmark for normalized relations between the US and Sudan. The Obama administration should hold firm on this through the coming rounds of negotiation, and should appoint a senior official to help coordinate US policy on Darfur in order to ensure that peace efforts there receive the same level of attention as the North-South efforts.
What is needed now is political will — and not only in the US — to sustain this diplomacy. The European Union and Sudan’s neighbors — in particular Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda — will also need to play a robust role. And China’s diplomacy in Sudan, where it has invested massively in developing the country’s oil resources, will be a test of whether or not it intends to be a responsible stakeholder in Africa and the wider world.
Ensuring that governments work toward peace is where you come in. Keep the pressure on them. Support the peace process. Your voice can prevent a war. Not guns. Not money. Just our voices.
The way to peace in Sudan is not simple, but it is achievable. There are hard choices to be made. We can make those choices now, or we can persuade ourselves that peace is too hard or too complex, and then look on resignedly from the sidelines as hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women, and children needlessly die. It’s up to us.
George Clooney is an actor and co-founder of the NGO Not On Our Watch. John Prendergast is co-founder of the Enough Project and co-author of The Enough Moment: The Fight to End Human Rights Crimes in Africa.
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Is the West the Best?

If you follow African football, you would that West Africa has dominated the sports for a number of centuries.

The BBC Piers Edwards asked important question last week: Why has West Africa dominated African soccer for decades?

This is what he wrote in his introduction:

“The BBC shortlist for the 2010 African Footballer of the Year has underlined West Africa’s dominance of such awards – because around three-quarters of winners of both the BBC and Confederation of African Football (CAF) accolades hail from the region.

Great names stand out: Jay-Jay Okocha and Nwankwo Kanu (Nigeria), Abedi Pele and Michael Essien (Ghana), Ivorian Didier Drogba, and Roger Milla and Samuel Eto’o (Cameroon) to name but a few.

Liberia’s George Weah, meanwhile, is the only African to be crowned FIFA World Player of the Year.

Weah also won the BBC award in 1995 and this year, another West African will join him – with Drogba and Eto’o joined on the shortlist by Yaya Toure, Asamoah Gyan and Andre ‘Dede’ Ayew.

And it’s not just a matter of a few talented individuals – look at the results and you will also see that West Africa’s footballing pre-eminence is unquestionable:

Cameroon, Senegal and Ghana are Africa’s only ever World Cup quarter-finalists; Nigeria and Cameroon are the continent’s sole winners of Olympic gold, while Nigeria and Ghana share six FIFA world titles at U17 and U20 level”

I would like us to debate question here on TalkAfrique. Please use the space below to provide why you think West Africa has such dominance in African soccer.

 

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African dictators need tough love too, not cuddling.

 
amin_dada
For far too long, Western governments have cuddled and praised African tyrants even when everything they do and stand for is against the Western definition of democracy. On the other hand, dictators from the Middle East are not indulged with the same policies. They are offered tough love.
 French President Nicolas Sarkozy and Barack Obama both considered Africa as high profile agendas before and after their elections. I am yet to really see this in action. I do not blame either of them for the progress made or otherwise. Surely, I know none of them was prepared for the Greece problems, healthcare battle and backlash from corporate bailout. These circumstances presented them with more pressing priorities than addressing the problems of Africa, so long ago judged unimportant to global affairs.
I admire the manner both Western leaders rebuke dictators and governments who place themselves on the axes of evil. But these 'bad guys' only have to worry if they are not on the African continent. African dictators enjoy rest, peace and comfort that are difficult to describe. In reality, many of Africa’s most repressive dictators have been friends of the West.
In fact, France actually has about 60,000 troops on the African continent most of who are protecting dictators and driving out their rivals, as a result of defense agreement France signed with some countries. Why did President Sarkozy endorsed Ali Bongo to succeed his father in Gabon's disputed presidential election?
Tell me who among these did not (or does not) have a powerful western friend: Robert Mugabe ((Zimbabwe), General Sani Abacha, (Nigeria), Idi Amin, (Uganda),  P.W. Botha (South Africa), General Samuel Doe (Liberia), Francois Duvalier (Haiti), Jean Claude Duvalier (Haiti),Mobutu Sese Seko (Zaire), Charles Taylor (Liberia)
 
At the inauguration of President Barrack Obama, he issued a stern warning to those who cling to power through deceit and corruption and the silencing of dissent. One would expect such a warning to have shivers in Mugabe's spine, and turns Mr. Museveni face red. But it did touch them, because dictators on the African continent know that no one will take them seriously, and their issue won’t even be on the table.
When are we going to see the World Powers hit Pres. Mugabe and Museveni with the same rod that is used on Iranian president or Saddam Hussein.
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